Mass media is broadly used to raise awareness and appreciation of Myanmar’s Thanaka cultural practice and concerted efforts are being exerted to submit nomination proposal of Myanmar’s Thanaka cultural practice by March 2025 to be inscribed on UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity
Mass media is broadly used to raise awareness and appreciation of Myanmar’s Thanaka cultural practice and concerted efforts are being exerted to submit nomination proposal of Myanmar’s Thanaka cultural practice by March 2025 to be inscribed on UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity
I was so ecstatic when I heard about those cultural awareness campaigns of Myanmar’s Thanaka that is the legacy of intangible attributes of Myanmar people to safeguard it for future generations and to be submitted for UNESCO’s cultural heritage inscription. I have been a big fan of Thanka who traditionally applies Thanaka to the face since I was young. Therefore, I was overwhelmed by delight. I will be carried away with euphoria when UNESCO adds it to its Intangible Cultural Heritage List.
Myanmar’s Thanaka culture has been passed down from past generations. It can be profoundly traced in the murals of temples in Gyubyaukgyi Temple founded in AD 1113 in Bagan ancient cultural heritage site and Sulamani Temple founded in AD 1183 and murals of other temples.
Additionally, Thanaka applying tradition passing down through generations can be remarkably found in earliest works of literature, stories, poems and folk songs, including mawgun, eigyin, pyo, kagyin, maunghtaung, Lamai peasant girls’ poem and songs, representing deeper symbolic meaning related to the cultural value and tradition rooted for thousand years.
Myanmar people annually celebrate the Thanaka Festival from the full moon of Thadingyut to the full moon of Tazaungdine (31 October to 29 November) beyond the 12-month festival traditions.
Village girls and ladies from Khetthin village in the north of Singu town, Mandalay Region apply Thanaka and Thanaka powder put in bronze cup to pilgrims who flock to Shwe Taung Oo mountain pagoda during the full moon of Thadingyut, signifying unique and beautiful Myanmar’s Thanaka culture.
The word Thanaka, previously called Thana-ka, is derived from Thana (dirt) and Ka (clearing or removing), meaning removing the dirt. Thanaka is a paste made from ground bark which commonly applies to Myanmar people for sun protection, perfume and beauty purposes. It is believed to show a distinct feature of Myanmar people. This natural cosmetic has cooling and soothing effects with good properties for skin. Thanaka is highly admired by Myanmar’s royal courts to peasant ladies nowadays. Other parts of Thanaka tree also have medicinal effects.
Thanaka is credited with medicinal benefits with a warm effect in winter and cooling sensation during hot winter to reduce body heat. This traditional product is highly appreciated and cherished by the whole nation regardless of ages and genders.
Myanmar elder people usually talks about the three basic values (Three Jewels: Buddha, Dharma and Sangha), paying respect to parents and teachers and fostering patriotism towards one’s nation and other inspirational and motivational messages while applying Thanaka to younger people, passing down traditions to younger generations and representing signs of the devotion, respect and love.
Moreover, Thanaka incense is offered to Buddha during ritual face washing ceremonies at Mandalay MahaMyatmuni Temple and Aungtawmu Pagoda in the early morning, unifying symbols of cultural pride and drawing a daily crowd of devotees.
Thanaka can be found in Sri Lanka, India, Thailand, Myanmar and Pakistan. Myanmar’s Thanaka is of premium quality with pleasant and unique fragrance. Shinmataung and Shwebo Thanaka varieties are the most popular among them. Applying Shwebo Thanaka gives one smooth skin and yellowish beauty unlike Shinmataung Thanaka having a sweet and pleasant smell.
Beyond beauty purposes, the whole Thanaka trees (fruits, root, stem, leaves) have good properties and medicinal benefits. Shwepyinan Company established Thanaka museum in NyaungU city in order to disseminate information of Thanaka culture among young communities and conserve cultural heritage. Myanmar Thanaka Planters and Producers Association was formed on 11 November 2017 in order to safeguard cultural heritage and penetrate Thanaka to international markets and raise public awareness in cooperation with non-governmental organization Helvetas Myanmar.
The association organizes Thanaka beauty pageants, Thanaka trade fair and Myanmar Thanaka Day events to pass Thanaka culture on to the next generation and increase admiration for Thanaka.
Thanaka Day was marked on the full moon day of Tabodwe, connecting Buddhist’s tradition of offering light and Thanaka incense to Buddha. Events related to Thanaka including talk shows, distributing pamphlets, donation and offering Thanaka paste to Buddha are held in the precinct of Pagoda on the Thanaka Day.
The association’s statistics indicated that there are 323,000 acres of Thanaka in Myanmar. The association comprises growers and traders from Ayartaw, Shwebo, Kantbalu, Monywa, Myinmu, Butalin, Kanni, Yinmabin, Pakokku, Myaing, Yesagyo, Pauk, Sittway and Langkho areas and companies from big cities like Yangon, Mandalay and Nay Pyi Taw. Stakeholders involved in the Thanaka supply chain are exerting continuous efforts to produce value-added Thanaka products that were commercially valued in international markets and preserving this heritage and passing it on to future generations through documentation, education, community engagement and revitalization maintaining core values and cultural identity.
Myanmar Thanaka culture has existed for thousands of years. The earliest discovery of applying the Thanaka tradition is back in the Bagan Dynasty. The poems written by King Yazadariz’s sprouse (poet) in 14th century and Shin Ratthasara, monk and prominent poet in 15th century invoked Thanaka culture in literary work.
Furthermore, some communities have traditions of holding the Thanaka Grinding Festival on the first day of the Thingyan Festival and Buddha statues are washed by Thanaka paste, preserving universal value.
Literary works in Bagan, Pyu dynasties captured the essence of Myanmar Thanaka culture, providing a rich source of Thanaka value and traditions of Myanmar people wearing it throughout history.
Inscriptions on Kyaukpyin stone slab note the name of King Bayintnaung’s daughter Princess Dartukalaya, placed at Shwemadaw Pagoda, revealing the solid culture of Thanaka in Taungoo dynasty.
Thanaka supplied to court in King Alaungpaya Dynasty were sourced from Kaput village two miles away from the south of Thihataw Pagoda in KhinU Township, Shwebo District, indicating a notable history of Thanaka again.
Consequently, Myanmar Thanaka that people of all ages and gender cherish and apply to face and body portrayed the significance of the heritage throughout history. Myanmar people are committed to preserving and promoting its culture by holding festivals stimulating community engagement and keeping inventory of Thanaka heritage passing through generations. Literary works and social events describing Myanmar Thanaka tradition act as a window to Myanmar’s intangible cultural heritage. I would like to express my deep respect to those endeavouring to submit nomination of Thanaka as a cultural element by March 2025 to be inscribed on the UNESCO’s list.
If Myanmar’s Thanaka culture and tradition that has dominated for thousand years is recognized and listed by UNESCO, it will be national pride and identity. I hereby would like to appreciate their genuine and continuous efforts with Myanmar Thanaka promotion and cultural awareness campaigns. I am praying from my heart for Myanmar Thanaka to move forward to achieve UNESCO’s inscription.
Translated by KK
Source: The Global New Light of Myanmar
Mass media is broadly used to raise awareness and appreciation of Myanmar’s Thanaka cultural practice and concerted efforts are being exerted to submit nomination proposal of Myanmar’s Thanaka cultural practice by March 2025 to be inscribed on UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity
I was so ecstatic when I heard about those cultural awareness campaigns of Myanmar’s Thanaka that is the legacy of intangible attributes of Myanmar people to safeguard it for future generations and to be submitted for UNESCO’s cultural heritage inscription. I have been a big fan of Thanka who traditionally applies Thanaka to the face since I was young. Therefore, I was overwhelmed by delight. I will be carried away with euphoria when UNESCO adds it to its Intangible Cultural Heritage List.
Myanmar’s Thanaka culture has been passed down from past generations. It can be profoundly traced in the murals of temples in Gyubyaukgyi Temple founded in AD 1113 in Bagan ancient cultural heritage site and Sulamani Temple founded in AD 1183 and murals of other temples.
Additionally, Thanaka applying tradition passing down through generations can be remarkably found in earliest works of literature, stories, poems and folk songs, including mawgun, eigyin, pyo, kagyin, maunghtaung, Lamai peasant girls’ poem and songs, representing deeper symbolic meaning related to the cultural value and tradition rooted for thousand years.
Myanmar people annually celebrate the Thanaka Festival from the full moon of Thadingyut to the full moon of Tazaungdine (31 October to 29 November) beyond the 12-month festival traditions.
Village girls and ladies from Khetthin village in the north of Singu town, Mandalay Region apply Thanaka and Thanaka powder put in bronze cup to pilgrims who flock to Shwe Taung Oo mountain pagoda during the full moon of Thadingyut, signifying unique and beautiful Myanmar’s Thanaka culture.
The word Thanaka, previously called Thana-ka, is derived from Thana (dirt) and Ka (clearing or removing), meaning removing the dirt. Thanaka is a paste made from ground bark which commonly applies to Myanmar people for sun protection, perfume and beauty purposes. It is believed to show a distinct feature of Myanmar people. This natural cosmetic has cooling and soothing effects with good properties for skin. Thanaka is highly admired by Myanmar’s royal courts to peasant ladies nowadays. Other parts of Thanaka tree also have medicinal effects.
Thanaka is credited with medicinal benefits with a warm effect in winter and cooling sensation during hot winter to reduce body heat. This traditional product is highly appreciated and cherished by the whole nation regardless of ages and genders.
Myanmar elder people usually talks about the three basic values (Three Jewels: Buddha, Dharma and Sangha), paying respect to parents and teachers and fostering patriotism towards one’s nation and other inspirational and motivational messages while applying Thanaka to younger people, passing down traditions to younger generations and representing signs of the devotion, respect and love.
Moreover, Thanaka incense is offered to Buddha during ritual face washing ceremonies at Mandalay MahaMyatmuni Temple and Aungtawmu Pagoda in the early morning, unifying symbols of cultural pride and drawing a daily crowd of devotees.
Thanaka can be found in Sri Lanka, India, Thailand, Myanmar and Pakistan. Myanmar’s Thanaka is of premium quality with pleasant and unique fragrance. Shinmataung and Shwebo Thanaka varieties are the most popular among them. Applying Shwebo Thanaka gives one smooth skin and yellowish beauty unlike Shinmataung Thanaka having a sweet and pleasant smell.
Beyond beauty purposes, the whole Thanaka trees (fruits, root, stem, leaves) have good properties and medicinal benefits. Shwepyinan Company established Thanaka museum in NyaungU city in order to disseminate information of Thanaka culture among young communities and conserve cultural heritage. Myanmar Thanaka Planters and Producers Association was formed on 11 November 2017 in order to safeguard cultural heritage and penetrate Thanaka to international markets and raise public awareness in cooperation with non-governmental organization Helvetas Myanmar.
The association organizes Thanaka beauty pageants, Thanaka trade fair and Myanmar Thanaka Day events to pass Thanaka culture on to the next generation and increase admiration for Thanaka.
Thanaka Day was marked on the full moon day of Tabodwe, connecting Buddhist’s tradition of offering light and Thanaka incense to Buddha. Events related to Thanaka including talk shows, distributing pamphlets, donation and offering Thanaka paste to Buddha are held in the precinct of Pagoda on the Thanaka Day.
The association’s statistics indicated that there are 323,000 acres of Thanaka in Myanmar. The association comprises growers and traders from Ayartaw, Shwebo, Kantbalu, Monywa, Myinmu, Butalin, Kanni, Yinmabin, Pakokku, Myaing, Yesagyo, Pauk, Sittway and Langkho areas and companies from big cities like Yangon, Mandalay and Nay Pyi Taw. Stakeholders involved in the Thanaka supply chain are exerting continuous efforts to produce value-added Thanaka products that were commercially valued in international markets and preserving this heritage and passing it on to future generations through documentation, education, community engagement and revitalization maintaining core values and cultural identity.
Myanmar Thanaka culture has existed for thousands of years. The earliest discovery of applying the Thanaka tradition is back in the Bagan Dynasty. The poems written by King Yazadariz’s sprouse (poet) in 14th century and Shin Ratthasara, monk and prominent poet in 15th century invoked Thanaka culture in literary work.
Furthermore, some communities have traditions of holding the Thanaka Grinding Festival on the first day of the Thingyan Festival and Buddha statues are washed by Thanaka paste, preserving universal value.
Literary works in Bagan, Pyu dynasties captured the essence of Myanmar Thanaka culture, providing a rich source of Thanaka value and traditions of Myanmar people wearing it throughout history.
Inscriptions on Kyaukpyin stone slab note the name of King Bayintnaung’s daughter Princess Dartukalaya, placed at Shwemadaw Pagoda, revealing the solid culture of Thanaka in Taungoo dynasty.
Thanaka supplied to court in King Alaungpaya Dynasty were sourced from Kaput village two miles away from the south of Thihataw Pagoda in KhinU Township, Shwebo District, indicating a notable history of Thanaka again.
Consequently, Myanmar Thanaka that people of all ages and gender cherish and apply to face and body portrayed the significance of the heritage throughout history. Myanmar people are committed to preserving and promoting its culture by holding festivals stimulating community engagement and keeping inventory of Thanaka heritage passing through generations. Literary works and social events describing Myanmar Thanaka tradition act as a window to Myanmar’s intangible cultural heritage. I would like to express my deep respect to those endeavouring to submit nomination of Thanaka as a cultural element by March 2025 to be inscribed on the UNESCO’s list.
If Myanmar’s Thanaka culture and tradition that has dominated for thousand years is recognized and listed by UNESCO, it will be national pride and identity. I hereby would like to appreciate their genuine and continuous efforts with Myanmar Thanaka promotion and cultural awareness campaigns. I am praying from my heart for Myanmar Thanaka to move forward to achieve UNESCO’s inscription.
Translated by KK
Source: The Global New Light of Myanmar

I read a very interesting topic in the Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper and this topic is preparation for the submission of the Myanma Thanaka cultural tradition to UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity before March 2025, educational programmes on Thanaka culture are being conducted throughout February at museums and libraries under the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture.
I read a very interesting topic in the Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper and this topic is preparation for the submission of the Myanma Thanaka cultural tradition to UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity before March 2025, educational programmes on Thanaka culture are being conducted throughout February at museums and libraries under the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture.
Thanaka is an iconic symbol of Myanmar’s cultural heritage, deeply interlaced into the country’s history, identity, and daily life. For centuries, it has been used as a beauty treatment, sunscreen, and even as a cultural expression of status. The value of Thanaka extends beyond its physical benefits; it holds significant cultural, social, and historical importance to the people of Myanmar. In this essay, we will explore the various dimensions of Thanaka’s value, from its uses in daily life to its role in traditional practices and its symbolic importance.
Historical and Cultural Significance: Thanaka has been a part of Myanmar’s culture for over two thousand years. The tradition of using Thanaka is thought to date back to the Bagan period (around the 11th century AD). It is believed that the earliest use of Thanaka was in the royal courts, where it was applied as a sign of beauty and purity. Over time, this practice spread to all levels of society, and Thanaka became a main feature of Myanmar’s cultural landscape.
The name “Thanaka” refers to the paste made from the powdered bark of the Thanaka tree, which is native to Myanmar and parts of neighbouring Thailand and Laos. The bark is ground into a fine powder, mixed with water, and applied to the face and sometimes the body. The geometric patterns created by the paste are both artistic and practical, reflecting the balance between beauty and function in Myanmar society.
Practical Uses of Thanaka: One of the most important values of Thanaka lies in its practical benefits. It has been used for centuries as a natural skincare product. The paste has cooling properties and helps to protect the skin from the harsh tropical sun, preventing sunburns and skin damage. In a country like Myanmar, where the climate can be extremely hot and sunny, Thanaka serves as an important protective agent against the sun’s ultraviolet rays.
In addition to its sun protection benefits, Thanaka has been credited with having anti-inflammatory, antimicrobial, and anti-ageing properties. It is often used to treat skin conditions like acne, rashes, and blemishes. Many people apply it regularly, not only for its protective effects but also for its potential to improve the skin’s appearance, making it smooth and healthy.
Thanaka’s cooling sensation makes it especially desirable during the summer months. It is common for people, especially women and children, to wear Thanaka as a facial mask to reduce the discomfort of the heat. In rural areas, the tradition of applying Thanaka is especially prevalent, where the natural product is easily accessible and commonly used in everyday life.
Health Benefits of Thanaka: Applied over the cheeks, nose, and neck, Thanaka doubles as both a cosmetic beauty product and a skincare regimen. Marmesin, one of its active ingredients, acts as a natural sunblock against the sun’s harmful ultraviolet rays while also providing a refreshing, cooling effect in hot weather.
Symbolic and Social Importance: Thanaka also carries deep symbolic significance. It has become a defining feature of Myanmar’s national identity. When one thinks of the traditional appearance of the Myanmar people, the image of individuals with their faces painted with Thanaka paste is almost universally recognized. This simple yet characteristic practice speaks to a cultural unity that transcends class, gender, and age. In fact, it is a universal symbol of Myanmar’s indigenous heritage, connecting people across generations.
Economic and Environmental Value: Beyond its cultural and social importance, Thanaka also holds economic and environmental value. The production of Thanaka offers economic opportunities for people in rural areas, where Thanaka trees are grown and harvested. Environmentally, the Thanaka tree is also an essential part of the landscape in Myanmar. Thanaka cultivation promotes the growth of trees that provide shade, help preserve biodiversity, and prevent soil erosion. The tree itself is considered a renewable resource, as it can be harvested sustainably, providing both economic and ecological benefits to the local communities.
Moreover, the value of Thanaka in Myanmar is multi-faceted, encompassing its practical benefits for skin care, its role as a cultural and social marker, and its historical and economic importance. This simple paste of powdered bark carries with its centuries of tradition, offering a glimpse into the country’s rich heritage and its deep connection to the natural world. Moreover, Thanaka serves as a protective skincare product, a symbol of beauty, or a reflection of national identity. And it also holds a valuable place in the hearts and minds of the Myanmar people.
References
– Global New Light of Myanmar Newspaper (14 February 2025)
– https://heritage-line.com/magazine/thanaka-the-secret-to-burmese-beauty
– https://myanmartravel.com/thanaka-in-myanmar
Source: The Global New Light of Myanmar
I read a very interesting topic in the Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper and this topic is preparation for the submission of the Myanma Thanaka cultural tradition to UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity before March 2025, educational programmes on Thanaka culture are being conducted throughout February at museums and libraries under the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture.
Thanaka is an iconic symbol of Myanmar’s cultural heritage, deeply interlaced into the country’s history, identity, and daily life. For centuries, it has been used as a beauty treatment, sunscreen, and even as a cultural expression of status. The value of Thanaka extends beyond its physical benefits; it holds significant cultural, social, and historical importance to the people of Myanmar. In this essay, we will explore the various dimensions of Thanaka’s value, from its uses in daily life to its role in traditional practices and its symbolic importance.
Historical and Cultural Significance: Thanaka has been a part of Myanmar’s culture for over two thousand years. The tradition of using Thanaka is thought to date back to the Bagan period (around the 11th century AD). It is believed that the earliest use of Thanaka was in the royal courts, where it was applied as a sign of beauty and purity. Over time, this practice spread to all levels of society, and Thanaka became a main feature of Myanmar’s cultural landscape.
The name “Thanaka” refers to the paste made from the powdered bark of the Thanaka tree, which is native to Myanmar and parts of neighbouring Thailand and Laos. The bark is ground into a fine powder, mixed with water, and applied to the face and sometimes the body. The geometric patterns created by the paste are both artistic and practical, reflecting the balance between beauty and function in Myanmar society.
Practical Uses of Thanaka: One of the most important values of Thanaka lies in its practical benefits. It has been used for centuries as a natural skincare product. The paste has cooling properties and helps to protect the skin from the harsh tropical sun, preventing sunburns and skin damage. In a country like Myanmar, where the climate can be extremely hot and sunny, Thanaka serves as an important protective agent against the sun’s ultraviolet rays.
In addition to its sun protection benefits, Thanaka has been credited with having anti-inflammatory, antimicrobial, and anti-ageing properties. It is often used to treat skin conditions like acne, rashes, and blemishes. Many people apply it regularly, not only for its protective effects but also for its potential to improve the skin’s appearance, making it smooth and healthy.
Thanaka’s cooling sensation makes it especially desirable during the summer months. It is common for people, especially women and children, to wear Thanaka as a facial mask to reduce the discomfort of the heat. In rural areas, the tradition of applying Thanaka is especially prevalent, where the natural product is easily accessible and commonly used in everyday life.
Health Benefits of Thanaka: Applied over the cheeks, nose, and neck, Thanaka doubles as both a cosmetic beauty product and a skincare regimen. Marmesin, one of its active ingredients, acts as a natural sunblock against the sun’s harmful ultraviolet rays while also providing a refreshing, cooling effect in hot weather.
Symbolic and Social Importance: Thanaka also carries deep symbolic significance. It has become a defining feature of Myanmar’s national identity. When one thinks of the traditional appearance of the Myanmar people, the image of individuals with their faces painted with Thanaka paste is almost universally recognized. This simple yet characteristic practice speaks to a cultural unity that transcends class, gender, and age. In fact, it is a universal symbol of Myanmar’s indigenous heritage, connecting people across generations.
Economic and Environmental Value: Beyond its cultural and social importance, Thanaka also holds economic and environmental value. The production of Thanaka offers economic opportunities for people in rural areas, where Thanaka trees are grown and harvested. Environmentally, the Thanaka tree is also an essential part of the landscape in Myanmar. Thanaka cultivation promotes the growth of trees that provide shade, help preserve biodiversity, and prevent soil erosion. The tree itself is considered a renewable resource, as it can be harvested sustainably, providing both economic and ecological benefits to the local communities.
Moreover, the value of Thanaka in Myanmar is multi-faceted, encompassing its practical benefits for skin care, its role as a cultural and social marker, and its historical and economic importance. This simple paste of powdered bark carries with its centuries of tradition, offering a glimpse into the country’s rich heritage and its deep connection to the natural world. Moreover, Thanaka serves as a protective skincare product, a symbol of beauty, or a reflection of national identity. And it also holds a valuable place in the hearts and minds of the Myanmar people.
References
– Global New Light of Myanmar Newspaper (14 February 2025)
– https://heritage-line.com/magazine/thanaka-the-secret-to-burmese-beauty
– https://myanmartravel.com/thanaka-in-myanmar
Source: The Global New Light of Myanmar

MILLIONS of people from the world including the Chinese dwell in the caves. They lived in the caves for several reasons. No need to pay taxes for the poor people, so they live in the caves. Others dwell on fashion. Over 5,000 years ago in China, Chinese culture started to develop. They dug the sand and created caves in the Yellow River region and lived. Nowadays the people from that region are living in the caves for the cost of cheap. Besides the weather is warm in the winter and cold in the summer.
MILLIONS of people from the world including the Chinese dwell in the caves. They lived in the caves for several reasons. No need to pay taxes for the poor people, so they live in the caves. Others dwell on fashion. Over 5,000 years ago in China, Chinese culture started to develop. They dug the sand and created caves in the Yellow River region and lived. Nowadays the people from that region are living in the caves for the cost of cheap. Besides the weather is warm in the winter and cold in the summer.
Millions of people from the provinces of Shaanxi and Shanxi lived in caves. As the Chinese become rich, they plan to live comfortably in the caves. They decorated the caves with modern precious things. They curved the caves where they lived and sculpted the Buddha stupas in the caves. The amazing sculptures are in Dunhuang, situated in Gansu province. The trains which carried camels, rested in Dunhuang before they went to the Taklamakan Desert. To pay homage that carved the walls of caves, the merchants must pay tax. Colourful wood carvings are beautified in the walls of the cave.
At that time the experts’ sculptures and the art of wood carving had appeared. Plenty of years ago wood carvings were in the caves
and the entrances of caves are covered with sand. In 1920, Aurel Stein from Britain dug this sand. He kept Buddha images and Bibles from the deserts. The visitors from abroad arrived and watched the colourful paintings and wood carvings and bought. So, they acquired a lot of money. The ancient cave is located in Jiaohe, east of China. That cave is near Turpan and it was dug from earth. It has temples, government offices and a jail. Jail is not damaged till nowadays. At this moment the people who live in the caves of China repair the caves to be beautiful and modernized.
The new buildings that are located in the Granada region are worth nearly 100,000 American dollars. On the Sierra Nevada hills that are situated in Guadix, people made caves and about 5,000 people live in these caves. People constructed houses, stores, and hotels in the caves that are located in the North of Spain.
Lately, in the 21st century, more people lived in caves. To prevent heat, people lived in caves at Coober Pedy in Australia. Agates are found in Coober Pedy. People lived in the caves and searched agates. They found agates, so they made a bathroom, and sofa in the living room. About 3000 people lived in Coober. Tourists visited Coober Pedy and excursed under Coober Pedy. They bought agate rings and lockets. The merchants of that city became rich by selling agates. Chinese merchants from Hong Kong made agate rings and lockets and sold them to jewel shops.
There are many famous caves in Myanmar. The most famous cave is the Kaba Aye Cave in Yangon. It is a Sasananika building. The monks teach Bibles to young monks, nuns and people. It is a place of performing good merit. Many donations had done in that cave. In the compound of the cave, there are many buildings of monks to teach the bible.
I and my brother also learned Abhidhamma and other Buddhist languages from Sayadaws. There are many astonished caves in Taunggyi. When I was young, I went with my elder sister and other relatives to Taunggyi.
We visited one of the astonished and fearful caves. Its name is Kyat Cave. It is a big and long cave. Villagers took firesticks and went into the cave. They said that anyone could not go to the end of the cave. The person who tried to go to the end of the cave is not alive. They also told me the exit of the cave was in another country. My elder sister shouted and told me not to see the walls of the cave.
But I looked at the walls of the cave. Oh! How horrible things are curved in the walls of the caves. There are many skulls, witches and devils carved into the walls of the cave. Besides there are many coffins in the cave. Coffins are six feet long. There are many tales about the cave. Alibaba and 500 thieves. The princess and the harpist loving tale. When the king knew his daughter was loved by a harpist and lived in the cave, the angry king closed the entrance of the cave with a rock.
The cave had on existing. They gave their lives for their love. The famous singer Daw Tin Tin Mya sang about that. The title of this song is “Tawagu”. The song is very popular nowadays. Long ago there was a famous cave where 500 bats lived in this cave. When they heard Buddha’s sermons and after they died, they reached the deva. So, we should listen to the sermon. Another famous is Akauk Taung. Akauk Taung is a mountain extending from Pyay District to Hinthada District, renowned for its numerous ancient Buddha images carved into the rock wall along the Ayeyawady River bank. Historically, the mountain served as a tollgate for passing boats and ships. Artisans carved the mountain walls, resulting in 370 Buddha images depicted in various positions standing, sitting and lying.
Most of these Buddha images date back to the Konbaung era, with some originating from the Inwa era. Therefore astonishing, beautiful and fearful caves are around the world. Good people live in the caves to do good things. They pay good benefits for the people and creatures, but bad and wicked people live in the caves to do evil things. They stay in the caves and hide money, and jewels when they get from theft. I pay homage to the Buddha to disappear the worst people from the world, so the people can live safely and peacefully.
Reference: Gimme Shelter, HPH World, 21 June 2007.
Source: The Global New Light of Myanmar
MILLIONS of people from the world including the Chinese dwell in the caves. They lived in the caves for several reasons. No need to pay taxes for the poor people, so they live in the caves. Others dwell on fashion. Over 5,000 years ago in China, Chinese culture started to develop. They dug the sand and created caves in the Yellow River region and lived. Nowadays the people from that region are living in the caves for the cost of cheap. Besides the weather is warm in the winter and cold in the summer.
Millions of people from the provinces of Shaanxi and Shanxi lived in caves. As the Chinese become rich, they plan to live comfortably in the caves. They decorated the caves with modern precious things. They curved the caves where they lived and sculpted the Buddha stupas in the caves. The amazing sculptures are in Dunhuang, situated in Gansu province. The trains which carried camels, rested in Dunhuang before they went to the Taklamakan Desert. To pay homage that carved the walls of caves, the merchants must pay tax. Colourful wood carvings are beautified in the walls of the cave.
At that time the experts’ sculptures and the art of wood carving had appeared. Plenty of years ago wood carvings were in the caves
and the entrances of caves are covered with sand. In 1920, Aurel Stein from Britain dug this sand. He kept Buddha images and Bibles from the deserts. The visitors from abroad arrived and watched the colourful paintings and wood carvings and bought. So, they acquired a lot of money. The ancient cave is located in Jiaohe, east of China. That cave is near Turpan and it was dug from earth. It has temples, government offices and a jail. Jail is not damaged till nowadays. At this moment the people who live in the caves of China repair the caves to be beautiful and modernized.
The new buildings that are located in the Granada region are worth nearly 100,000 American dollars. On the Sierra Nevada hills that are situated in Guadix, people made caves and about 5,000 people live in these caves. People constructed houses, stores, and hotels in the caves that are located in the North of Spain.
Lately, in the 21st century, more people lived in caves. To prevent heat, people lived in caves at Coober Pedy in Australia. Agates are found in Coober Pedy. People lived in the caves and searched agates. They found agates, so they made a bathroom, and sofa in the living room. About 3000 people lived in Coober. Tourists visited Coober Pedy and excursed under Coober Pedy. They bought agate rings and lockets. The merchants of that city became rich by selling agates. Chinese merchants from Hong Kong made agate rings and lockets and sold them to jewel shops.
There are many famous caves in Myanmar. The most famous cave is the Kaba Aye Cave in Yangon. It is a Sasananika building. The monks teach Bibles to young monks, nuns and people. It is a place of performing good merit. Many donations had done in that cave. In the compound of the cave, there are many buildings of monks to teach the bible.
I and my brother also learned Abhidhamma and other Buddhist languages from Sayadaws. There are many astonished caves in Taunggyi. When I was young, I went with my elder sister and other relatives to Taunggyi.
We visited one of the astonished and fearful caves. Its name is Kyat Cave. It is a big and long cave. Villagers took firesticks and went into the cave. They said that anyone could not go to the end of the cave. The person who tried to go to the end of the cave is not alive. They also told me the exit of the cave was in another country. My elder sister shouted and told me not to see the walls of the cave.
But I looked at the walls of the cave. Oh! How horrible things are curved in the walls of the caves. There are many skulls, witches and devils carved into the walls of the cave. Besides there are many coffins in the cave. Coffins are six feet long. There are many tales about the cave. Alibaba and 500 thieves. The princess and the harpist loving tale. When the king knew his daughter was loved by a harpist and lived in the cave, the angry king closed the entrance of the cave with a rock.
The cave had on existing. They gave their lives for their love. The famous singer Daw Tin Tin Mya sang about that. The title of this song is “Tawagu”. The song is very popular nowadays. Long ago there was a famous cave where 500 bats lived in this cave. When they heard Buddha’s sermons and after they died, they reached the deva. So, we should listen to the sermon. Another famous is Akauk Taung. Akauk Taung is a mountain extending from Pyay District to Hinthada District, renowned for its numerous ancient Buddha images carved into the rock wall along the Ayeyawady River bank. Historically, the mountain served as a tollgate for passing boats and ships. Artisans carved the mountain walls, resulting in 370 Buddha images depicted in various positions standing, sitting and lying.
Most of these Buddha images date back to the Konbaung era, with some originating from the Inwa era. Therefore astonishing, beautiful and fearful caves are around the world. Good people live in the caves to do good things. They pay good benefits for the people and creatures, but bad and wicked people live in the caves to do evil things. They stay in the caves and hide money, and jewels when they get from theft. I pay homage to the Buddha to disappear the worst people from the world, so the people can live safely and peacefully.
Reference: Gimme Shelter, HPH World, 21 June 2007.
Source: The Global New Light of Myanmar

PYATHO, the 12th month of the Myanmar calendar, brings cool, dew-drenched days. Clematis smilacifolia blooms during this time, infusing the northern air breezes with its fragrant scent.
Farmers harvest the paddy and heap up them in Pyatho. The month also sees bountiful winter crops. The weather is fine and the donation ceremonies are usually held this month. Myanmar people donate the whole year round.
PYATHO, the 12th month of the Myanmar calendar, brings cool, dew-drenched days. Clematis smilacifolia blooms during this time, infusing the northern air breezes with its fragrant scent.
Farmers harvest the paddy and heap up them in Pyatho. The month also sees bountiful winter crops. The weather is fine and the donation ceremonies are usually held this month. Myanmar people donate the whole year round.
Another flower that blooms in Pyatho alongside Clematis smilacifolia is the Bulbophyllum auricomum. This flower is considered the most valuable flora, adorned with various poetic names in U Toe’s poem “Ramayakan”.
Myanmar’s ancient kings held the equestrian festivals in Pyatho. It was not just a festival, but it also was a competition to select the heroes. According to the ancient Myanmar poem (Trachin) bearing the words “wearing gold embroidery on the waist”, the equestrian festival was held in the reign of Tasishin Thiha Thu during the Pinya era. Moreover, the poem “Myin Saing Shwe Pyi” by Ngasishin Kyaw Swa in the Pinya era featured practice sessions with elephants and horses by the king and his entourage.
Therefore, it can be said that the equestrian festival emerged since then. Heroes were selected based on their elephant and horse-riding skills, and other martial arts.
The equestrian festival requires a space one mile long and two furlongs wide. Additionally, the area includes space for 37 types of horse-riding skills demonstrations and showcases of Myanmar’s martial arts, including Bando and Banshay. A royal tent is erected for the King to enjoy the festivities. To the right of the ring are spear targets at heights of 25, 40, and 60 cubits.
Horse riders must first don their armour and ride skilfully around the ring. Then, they proceed to throw spears at the targets, aiming at the 25-, 40-, and 60-cubit marks step by step.
During the equestrian festival, the royal princes, king’s entourage and subjects can participate in the competitions. The contestants must have special awareness not to lose their hats and Longyis (sarongs for males) during the competitions. If not, he will feel ashamed and it is a sign of their poor skills. The queen and princesses throw their shawls and flowers to the outstanding ones. The outstanding horse rider enters the palace wearing the shawl on his chest and flowers on his ears.
The outstanding horse rider demonstrated his 37 types of horse-riding skills during the spear-throwing event. The leader of the Myanma Hsaing Waing, a traditional Myanmar orchestra under the King’s command, led the Hsaing Waing during the competitions. Heroes were grandly selected, and unique horse-riding champions emerged in Myanmar’s history. During the reign of King Min Khaung of the Inwa era, Thamein Bayan, who triumphed over the Chinese hero Garmani, became a renowned horse-riding hero.
The month of Pyatho is marked by unique festivals and a historic event: the country regained its independence on 4 January 1948 (9th Waning of Pyatho 1309 ME). Consequently, Pyatho is a month that embodies the warlike spirit of independence, along with celebrations of flowers and donation events. — Translated by KTZH
Source: The Global New Light of Myanmar
PYATHO, the 12th month of the Myanmar calendar, brings cool, dew-drenched days. Clematis smilacifolia blooms during this time, infusing the northern air breezes with its fragrant scent.
Farmers harvest the paddy and heap up them in Pyatho. The month also sees bountiful winter crops. The weather is fine and the donation ceremonies are usually held this month. Myanmar people donate the whole year round.
Another flower that blooms in Pyatho alongside Clematis smilacifolia is the Bulbophyllum auricomum. This flower is considered the most valuable flora, adorned with various poetic names in U Toe’s poem “Ramayakan”.
Myanmar’s ancient kings held the equestrian festivals in Pyatho. It was not just a festival, but it also was a competition to select the heroes. According to the ancient Myanmar poem (Trachin) bearing the words “wearing gold embroidery on the waist”, the equestrian festival was held in the reign of Tasishin Thiha Thu during the Pinya era. Moreover, the poem “Myin Saing Shwe Pyi” by Ngasishin Kyaw Swa in the Pinya era featured practice sessions with elephants and horses by the king and his entourage.
Therefore, it can be said that the equestrian festival emerged since then. Heroes were selected based on their elephant and horse-riding skills, and other martial arts.
The equestrian festival requires a space one mile long and two furlongs wide. Additionally, the area includes space for 37 types of horse-riding skills demonstrations and showcases of Myanmar’s martial arts, including Bando and Banshay. A royal tent is erected for the King to enjoy the festivities. To the right of the ring are spear targets at heights of 25, 40, and 60 cubits.
Horse riders must first don their armour and ride skilfully around the ring. Then, they proceed to throw spears at the targets, aiming at the 25-, 40-, and 60-cubit marks step by step.
During the equestrian festival, the royal princes, king’s entourage and subjects can participate in the competitions. The contestants must have special awareness not to lose their hats and Longyis (sarongs for males) during the competitions. If not, he will feel ashamed and it is a sign of their poor skills. The queen and princesses throw their shawls and flowers to the outstanding ones. The outstanding horse rider enters the palace wearing the shawl on his chest and flowers on his ears.
The outstanding horse rider demonstrated his 37 types of horse-riding skills during the spear-throwing event. The leader of the Myanma Hsaing Waing, a traditional Myanmar orchestra under the King’s command, led the Hsaing Waing during the competitions. Heroes were grandly selected, and unique horse-riding champions emerged in Myanmar’s history. During the reign of King Min Khaung of the Inwa era, Thamein Bayan, who triumphed over the Chinese hero Garmani, became a renowned horse-riding hero.
The month of Pyatho is marked by unique festivals and a historic event: the country regained its independence on 4 January 1948 (9th Waning of Pyatho 1309 ME). Consequently, Pyatho is a month that embodies the warlike spirit of independence, along with celebrations of flowers and donation events. — Translated by KTZH
Source: The Global New Light of Myanmar

Buddhist Monuments with Circumambulatory Corridors
Buddhist Monuments with Circumambulatory Corridors
In 1873, Alexander Cunningham, a renowned archaeologist and the father of Indian archaeology excavated the Bharhut stupa in Madhya Pradesh, India. This stupa, which is one of the encased stupas in India, was found to have a circumambulatory path. Although smaller than the larger stupas at Sanchi, Bhattiprolu, or Amravati, the Bharhut stupa features remarkable sculptural details. The circumambulatory corridor was designed not only for the act of veneration and circumambulation around the stupa but also to allow observers to appreciate the sculptures and ornamentations as part of the socio-political context.
Similarly, the Dharmarajika stupa in Sarnath reveals six successive encasements through archaeological excavations. Notably, circumambulatory paths (Pradakshina-Patha) were added during the second and third phases of enlargement (Mitra, 1971, pp 66-69). At the Amaravati stupa, a circumambulatory passageway was introduced later, positioned between the railing and the drum of the stupa (Mitra, 1971, pp 200-204).
In contrast, the Phra Pathom stupa in Thailand also features a circumambulatory corridor (see Figure 1). Soni noted that this stupa exemplifies encasement, as a new structure enveloped the original shrine to fulfil King Mongkut’s wish to protect the relics (Soni, 1991). Prior to King Rama IV’s restoration, the Phra Pathom stupa was surmounted by a prang inspired by Khmer Prasat architecture. Following the restoration, King Rama IV’s encasement introduced a gallery path between the older and newly encased outer stupas. These structures include circumambulatory paths designed not only for veneration and movement around the stupa but also for the observation and study of the sculptures and decorations, reflecting their political significance.
Similarly, numerous Moathtaw stupas across Myanmar also feature circumambulatory corridors (Bo Kay, 1981, pp 220- 222). Many of these stupas have stone inscriptions detailing the structures built by King Asoka, providing valuable evidence of the active beliefs during the Bagan era. Some Moathtaw stupas constructed by successive kings are solid, while others are hollow with corridors. At Bagan, three Moathtaw stupas include such corridors. Temple No 1182, a uniquely shaped temple at Bagan, is one example of an encased temple featuring a circumambulatory corridor between its inner and outer structures. These corridors are not only for worship and veneration but also for moving around and studying the art and architecture of the inner and outer stupas, reflecting their socio-political context.
Currently, there are eightythree encased monuments at Bagan, making it the richest area of Buddhist monuments in Myanmar. Most of these encased structures were enlarged by secondary donors to enhance the growth and development of Buddhism and its monuments, emphasizing their socio-political stature and aiming to create stronger, larger, and more durable structures.
Inscribed Relic Caskets
In 1854, Alexander Cunningham discovered several important Buddhist sites, including Sanchi and four nearby sites — Sonari, Satdhara, Morel Khurd, and Andheri — in India, located about 10 kilometres from Sanchi. The inscribed reliquaries from these sites link them to a group of Hemavata teachers led by an individual named Gotiputa. The Hemavata may have arrived in Vidisha during the second century BCE (Sunga period), taking over older sites such as Sanchi and Satdhara while establishing new centres at Sonari, Morel Khurd, and Andheri. Inscribed relic caskets from these sites include relics of Sariputta and Mahamoggallana, chief disciples of the Buddha, which were recovered from Stupa 3 at Sanchi and Stupa 2 at Satdhara (Mitra, 1971, pp 96-99; Shaw et al, 2009). These inscriptions and archaeological findings are significant for understanding the religious and socio-political ideas of the time.
At Bhattiprolu village in the Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh, India, three unexcavated mounds were discovered in 1870. Alexander Rea conducted archaeological excavations at the site in 1892, uncovering three inscribed stone reliquaries containing crystal reliquaries, Buddha’s relics, and jewels. The base of a great stupa, measuring 40 metres in diameter, was recovered at this site. The relics, including a crystal relic casket, were found at the centre of the stupa. Additionally, a silver reliquary, a gold reliquary, a stone receptacle, a copper vessel, and numerous Buddha images were uncovered. Brahmi scripts inscribed on an urn containing Buddha relics were also found. This inscriptional and archaeological evidence highlights the socio-political purposes of enshrining Buddha’s relics, reflecting the donors’ motivations driven by both religious and political concepts. The inscriptions at Bhattiprolu suggest that the relic stupa was intended not only for worship and veneration but also to enhance social and political stature. Bhattiprolu is known for its Buddhist stupa, which was built around the 3rd to 2nd centuries BCE, and the inscriptions indicate that King Kaberuka ruled over Bhattiprolu around 230 BCE. Similarly, the inscribed copper relic casket discovered at Shah-ji-ki-dheri in Peshawar documents the Kushan ruler Kanishka (Mitra, 1971, pp 118-120). An inscribed gilded silver relic casket (see Figure 2) discovered at Khinba mound in 1926-27 mentioned royal donors “Sri Prabhu Varman” and “SriPrabhu Devi”, belonging to the 5th-7th century CE (Varman Dynasty) (Aung Thaw et al, 1993). These inscriptions reflect that many donors were motivated by religious and socio-political concepts, aiming to make the relic-imbued stupa prominent for veneration while also enhancing its associated social and economic benefits.
Inscribed Burial Urns
In 1911-12, four inscribed stone burial urns were discovered 183 metres south of Phayagyi stupa in Sri Kshetra, Myanmar. An additional inscribed stone burial urn (see Figure 3) was found at Payahtaung pagoda in 1993. These inscriptions recorded the royal titles, ages, reigns, and dates of demise of various kings. The urns include names such as “Hrivikrama”, “Sihavikrama”, and “Suravikrama” for the earlier period, and “Devamitra”, “Dhammaditravikrama”, “Brahimhtuvikrama”, “Sihavikrama”, “Suriravikrama”, “Harivikrama”, and “Ardhitravikrama” for the later period, dating to the 7th-8th century CE and reflecting the Vikrama Dynasty. These inscribed burial urns from Sri Kshetra provide significant insights into the socio-political ideas of the time.
In Sri Lanka, the Dekkhina Dagaba (stupa) in Anuradhapura was an encasement and enlargement of an earlier construction built over the ashes of King Duthagamani. Traces of charcoal and ashes found in the centre of the dagaba highlight the significance of this site. Similarly, the Kujjatissa Pabbata (stupa), dating to the 8th century CE and located outside the south gate of the city, contains the ashes of the Elara, buried by King Duthagamani (Ministry of Cultural Affairs, 1981, p 21). These archaeological findings underscore the socio-political importance of burying the ashes of heroic kings in these stupas.
In Thailand, the Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya (2006) describe the construction of chedis at Wat Phra Si Sanphet. The first chedi, built by King Ramathibodi II (1491-1529 CE) in 1492 CE, enshrined the ashes of his father, King Borommatrailokanat (1448-1463 CE). The second chedi, constructed at the same time, was dedicated to King Borommaracha III (1463- 1488 CE), his elder brother. Forty years later, King Boromracha IV (1529-1533 CE) built the third chedi to enshrine the remains of his father, King Ramathibodi II (Cushman, 2006). The Royal Chronicles also mention that King U Thong (1350-69 CE) arranged for the cremation of two princes, Chao Keo and Chao Thai, and built Wat Pa Kaeo, a stupa, and an assembly hall in their memory. Their ashes may have been enshrined in this stupa. These findings illustrate the religious and socio-political motivations behind enshrining the ashes of heroic kings and royal families in Buddhist monuments across Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar, highlighting their desire to enhance the social and economic benefits associated with these relic-imbued structures.
Conclusion
The examination of enlarged Buddhist structures, inscribed relic caskets, and burial urns reveals significant socio-political and religious dimensions of Buddhist monument development across South and Southeast Asia. From the early mud stupas of Kapilvastu to the sophisticated encased stupas of Bagan and the circumambulatory corridors found in India, Myanmar and Thailand, these architectural and epigraphic records underscore the integration of religious devotion with socio-political ideologies.
The practice of encasing and enlarging stupas, as seen in the actions of King Uzana in Myanmar and various Indian dynasties, reflects a broader trend where subsequent rulers sought to enhance and preserve earlier structures, aligning their contributions with both religious merit and political stature. Similarly, inscribed relic caskets and burial urns from sites such as Bhattiprolu, Sanchi, and Sri Kshetra provide valuable insights into the motivations behind these monumental acts. They reveal how the veneration of relics and the enshrinement of royal ashes served not only spiritual purposes but also reinforced the socio-political status of the donors.
The inclusion of circumambulatory corridors, as evidenced in the stupas of Bharhut, Dharmarajika, and Phra Pathom, illustrates how architectural modifications were employed to enhance the devotional experience and assert political legitimacy. These corridors facilitated both worship and observation of artistic embellishments, contributing to the stupa’s prominence and durability.
In summary, the study of these Buddhist monuments illustrates how religious practices were intertwined with socio-political objectives. The effort to enlarge these structures and inscribe the relic caskets and burial urns highlights a dynamic interplay between spiritual aspirations and the assertion of political power. This interplay not only reflects the enduring legacy of Buddhist art and architecture but also the ways in which it was employed to reinforce and perpetuate socio-political ideologies across centuries and regions.
References
ASI. (1996). Archaeological Remains, Monuments and Museums, Part-1 & Part-2,
Director General of Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi.
Aung Thaw, U, Myint Aung, Sein Maung Oo and Than Swe. (1993). Shae haung Myanmar myo daw mya [Ancient Myanmar Cities]. Yangon: Ministry of Information.
Bo Kay, U. (1981). Bagan thu te tha na lan nyun [Guide to Bagan Research]. Sapay Beikhman Press, Yangon.
Cushman, Richard D., and David K. Wyatt. (2006). The Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya.
Bangkok: Siam Society,
DHRNL. (2014). Mandalay Mahamuni dataing awin shi kyauksarmyar (Atwe-Chauk). Stone Inscriptions are located in the walled enclosure of the Mahamuni stupa. Vol-6, Theikpan Press, Mandalay.
Ministry of Cultural Affairs. (1981). A Guide to Anuradhapura, Central Cultural Fund,
Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Mitra, Debala. (1971). Buddhist Monuments. Shishu Sahityu Samsad Pvt. Ld., The India Press Pvt Ld., Calcutta.
Moe (Kyaukse). (2008, May 24). Mandalay Daily: Kyauk sar de ka tha maing [History in the Stone Inscription]. Articles of Makkhaya Shwezigon Stupa
Nan Oo Stupa Stone Inscription. (2007). Nan Oo Phaya Kyauksar. Nan Oo Stupa, Kyaukse Township, Mandalay Region.
Nyein Maung, U. (1972). Shae haung Myanmar kyauk sar myar (Atwe-tit) [Ancient Myanmar Stone Inscriptions (Volume-1)], Yangon: Department of Archaeology.
Nyein Maung, U. (1983). Shae haung Myanmar kyauk sar myar (Atwe-thone) [Ancient Myanmar Stone Inscriptions (Volume-3)], Yangon: Department of Archaeology.
Nyein Maung, U. (1998). Shae haung Myanmar kyauk sar myar (Atwe-lay) [Ancient Myanmar Stone Inscriptions (Volume-4)], Yangon: Department of Archaeology.
Rijal, Babu K. (1979). Archaeological Remains of Kapilvastu, Lumbini, and Devadaha,
Educational Enterprises (PVT) LTD, Kathmandu.
Shaw, Julia, (2009). Stupas, Monasteries and Relics in the Landscape: Typological, Spatial, and Temporal Patterns in the Sanchi Area, Institute of Archaeology, University College London.
Soni, Sujata. (1991). Evolution of Stupas in Burma, Pagan Period: 11th to 13th centuries AD,
Motilal Banarsidass Publishers PVT.LTD, Delhi.
Buddhist Monuments with Circumambulatory Corridors
In 1873, Alexander Cunningham, a renowned archaeologist and the father of Indian archaeology excavated the Bharhut stupa in Madhya Pradesh, India. This stupa, which is one of the encased stupas in India, was found to have a circumambulatory path. Although smaller than the larger stupas at Sanchi, Bhattiprolu, or Amravati, the Bharhut stupa features remarkable sculptural details. The circumambulatory corridor was designed not only for the act of veneration and circumambulation around the stupa but also to allow observers to appreciate the sculptures and ornamentations as part of the socio-political context.
Similarly, the Dharmarajika stupa in Sarnath reveals six successive encasements through archaeological excavations. Notably, circumambulatory paths (Pradakshina-Patha) were added during the second and third phases of enlargement (Mitra, 1971, pp 66-69). At the Amaravati stupa, a circumambulatory passageway was introduced later, positioned between the railing and the drum of the stupa (Mitra, 1971, pp 200-204).
In contrast, the Phra Pathom stupa in Thailand also features a circumambulatory corridor (see Figure 1). Soni noted that this stupa exemplifies encasement, as a new structure enveloped the original shrine to fulfil King Mongkut’s wish to protect the relics (Soni, 1991). Prior to King Rama IV’s restoration, the Phra Pathom stupa was surmounted by a prang inspired by Khmer Prasat architecture. Following the restoration, King Rama IV’s encasement introduced a gallery path between the older and newly encased outer stupas. These structures include circumambulatory paths designed not only for veneration and movement around the stupa but also for the observation and study of the sculptures and decorations, reflecting their political significance.
Similarly, numerous Moathtaw stupas across Myanmar also feature circumambulatory corridors (Bo Kay, 1981, pp 220- 222). Many of these stupas have stone inscriptions detailing the structures built by King Asoka, providing valuable evidence of the active beliefs during the Bagan era. Some Moathtaw stupas constructed by successive kings are solid, while others are hollow with corridors. At Bagan, three Moathtaw stupas include such corridors. Temple No 1182, a uniquely shaped temple at Bagan, is one example of an encased temple featuring a circumambulatory corridor between its inner and outer structures. These corridors are not only for worship and veneration but also for moving around and studying the art and architecture of the inner and outer stupas, reflecting their socio-political context.
Currently, there are eightythree encased monuments at Bagan, making it the richest area of Buddhist monuments in Myanmar. Most of these encased structures were enlarged by secondary donors to enhance the growth and development of Buddhism and its monuments, emphasizing their socio-political stature and aiming to create stronger, larger, and more durable structures.
Inscribed Relic Caskets
In 1854, Alexander Cunningham discovered several important Buddhist sites, including Sanchi and four nearby sites — Sonari, Satdhara, Morel Khurd, and Andheri — in India, located about 10 kilometres from Sanchi. The inscribed reliquaries from these sites link them to a group of Hemavata teachers led by an individual named Gotiputa. The Hemavata may have arrived in Vidisha during the second century BCE (Sunga period), taking over older sites such as Sanchi and Satdhara while establishing new centres at Sonari, Morel Khurd, and Andheri. Inscribed relic caskets from these sites include relics of Sariputta and Mahamoggallana, chief disciples of the Buddha, which were recovered from Stupa 3 at Sanchi and Stupa 2 at Satdhara (Mitra, 1971, pp 96-99; Shaw et al, 2009). These inscriptions and archaeological findings are significant for understanding the religious and socio-political ideas of the time.
At Bhattiprolu village in the Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh, India, three unexcavated mounds were discovered in 1870. Alexander Rea conducted archaeological excavations at the site in 1892, uncovering three inscribed stone reliquaries containing crystal reliquaries, Buddha’s relics, and jewels. The base of a great stupa, measuring 40 metres in diameter, was recovered at this site. The relics, including a crystal relic casket, were found at the centre of the stupa. Additionally, a silver reliquary, a gold reliquary, a stone receptacle, a copper vessel, and numerous Buddha images were uncovered. Brahmi scripts inscribed on an urn containing Buddha relics were also found. This inscriptional and archaeological evidence highlights the socio-political purposes of enshrining Buddha’s relics, reflecting the donors’ motivations driven by both religious and political concepts. The inscriptions at Bhattiprolu suggest that the relic stupa was intended not only for worship and veneration but also to enhance social and political stature. Bhattiprolu is known for its Buddhist stupa, which was built around the 3rd to 2nd centuries BCE, and the inscriptions indicate that King Kaberuka ruled over Bhattiprolu around 230 BCE. Similarly, the inscribed copper relic casket discovered at Shah-ji-ki-dheri in Peshawar documents the Kushan ruler Kanishka (Mitra, 1971, pp 118-120). An inscribed gilded silver relic casket (see Figure 2) discovered at Khinba mound in 1926-27 mentioned royal donors “Sri Prabhu Varman” and “SriPrabhu Devi”, belonging to the 5th-7th century CE (Varman Dynasty) (Aung Thaw et al, 1993). These inscriptions reflect that many donors were motivated by religious and socio-political concepts, aiming to make the relic-imbued stupa prominent for veneration while also enhancing its associated social and economic benefits.
Inscribed Burial Urns
In 1911-12, four inscribed stone burial urns were discovered 183 metres south of Phayagyi stupa in Sri Kshetra, Myanmar. An additional inscribed stone burial urn (see Figure 3) was found at Payahtaung pagoda in 1993. These inscriptions recorded the royal titles, ages, reigns, and dates of demise of various kings. The urns include names such as “Hrivikrama”, “Sihavikrama”, and “Suravikrama” for the earlier period, and “Devamitra”, “Dhammaditravikrama”, “Brahimhtuvikrama”, “Sihavikrama”, “Suriravikrama”, “Harivikrama”, and “Ardhitravikrama” for the later period, dating to the 7th-8th century CE and reflecting the Vikrama Dynasty. These inscribed burial urns from Sri Kshetra provide significant insights into the socio-political ideas of the time.
In Sri Lanka, the Dekkhina Dagaba (stupa) in Anuradhapura was an encasement and enlargement of an earlier construction built over the ashes of King Duthagamani. Traces of charcoal and ashes found in the centre of the dagaba highlight the significance of this site. Similarly, the Kujjatissa Pabbata (stupa), dating to the 8th century CE and located outside the south gate of the city, contains the ashes of the Elara, buried by King Duthagamani (Ministry of Cultural Affairs, 1981, p 21). These archaeological findings underscore the socio-political importance of burying the ashes of heroic kings in these stupas.
In Thailand, the Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya (2006) describe the construction of chedis at Wat Phra Si Sanphet. The first chedi, built by King Ramathibodi II (1491-1529 CE) in 1492 CE, enshrined the ashes of his father, King Borommatrailokanat (1448-1463 CE). The second chedi, constructed at the same time, was dedicated to King Borommaracha III (1463- 1488 CE), his elder brother. Forty years later, King Boromracha IV (1529-1533 CE) built the third chedi to enshrine the remains of his father, King Ramathibodi II (Cushman, 2006). The Royal Chronicles also mention that King U Thong (1350-69 CE) arranged for the cremation of two princes, Chao Keo and Chao Thai, and built Wat Pa Kaeo, a stupa, and an assembly hall in their memory. Their ashes may have been enshrined in this stupa. These findings illustrate the religious and socio-political motivations behind enshrining the ashes of heroic kings and royal families in Buddhist monuments across Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar, highlighting their desire to enhance the social and economic benefits associated with these relic-imbued structures.
Conclusion
The examination of enlarged Buddhist structures, inscribed relic caskets, and burial urns reveals significant socio-political and religious dimensions of Buddhist monument development across South and Southeast Asia. From the early mud stupas of Kapilvastu to the sophisticated encased stupas of Bagan and the circumambulatory corridors found in India, Myanmar and Thailand, these architectural and epigraphic records underscore the integration of religious devotion with socio-political ideologies.
The practice of encasing and enlarging stupas, as seen in the actions of King Uzana in Myanmar and various Indian dynasties, reflects a broader trend where subsequent rulers sought to enhance and preserve earlier structures, aligning their contributions with both religious merit and political stature. Similarly, inscribed relic caskets and burial urns from sites such as Bhattiprolu, Sanchi, and Sri Kshetra provide valuable insights into the motivations behind these monumental acts. They reveal how the veneration of relics and the enshrinement of royal ashes served not only spiritual purposes but also reinforced the socio-political status of the donors.
The inclusion of circumambulatory corridors, as evidenced in the stupas of Bharhut, Dharmarajika, and Phra Pathom, illustrates how architectural modifications were employed to enhance the devotional experience and assert political legitimacy. These corridors facilitated both worship and observation of artistic embellishments, contributing to the stupa’s prominence and durability.
In summary, the study of these Buddhist monuments illustrates how religious practices were intertwined with socio-political objectives. The effort to enlarge these structures and inscribe the relic caskets and burial urns highlights a dynamic interplay between spiritual aspirations and the assertion of political power. This interplay not only reflects the enduring legacy of Buddhist art and architecture but also the ways in which it was employed to reinforce and perpetuate socio-political ideologies across centuries and regions.
References
ASI. (1996). Archaeological Remains, Monuments and Museums, Part-1 & Part-2,
Director General of Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi.
Aung Thaw, U, Myint Aung, Sein Maung Oo and Than Swe. (1993). Shae haung Myanmar myo daw mya [Ancient Myanmar Cities]. Yangon: Ministry of Information.
Bo Kay, U. (1981). Bagan thu te tha na lan nyun [Guide to Bagan Research]. Sapay Beikhman Press, Yangon.
Cushman, Richard D., and David K. Wyatt. (2006). The Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya.
Bangkok: Siam Society,
DHRNL. (2014). Mandalay Mahamuni dataing awin shi kyauksarmyar (Atwe-Chauk). Stone Inscriptions are located in the walled enclosure of the Mahamuni stupa. Vol-6, Theikpan Press, Mandalay.
Ministry of Cultural Affairs. (1981). A Guide to Anuradhapura, Central Cultural Fund,
Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Mitra, Debala. (1971). Buddhist Monuments. Shishu Sahityu Samsad Pvt. Ld., The India Press Pvt Ld., Calcutta.
Moe (Kyaukse). (2008, May 24). Mandalay Daily: Kyauk sar de ka tha maing [History in the Stone Inscription]. Articles of Makkhaya Shwezigon Stupa
Nan Oo Stupa Stone Inscription. (2007). Nan Oo Phaya Kyauksar. Nan Oo Stupa, Kyaukse Township, Mandalay Region.
Nyein Maung, U. (1972). Shae haung Myanmar kyauk sar myar (Atwe-tit) [Ancient Myanmar Stone Inscriptions (Volume-1)], Yangon: Department of Archaeology.
Nyein Maung, U. (1983). Shae haung Myanmar kyauk sar myar (Atwe-thone) [Ancient Myanmar Stone Inscriptions (Volume-3)], Yangon: Department of Archaeology.
Nyein Maung, U. (1998). Shae haung Myanmar kyauk sar myar (Atwe-lay) [Ancient Myanmar Stone Inscriptions (Volume-4)], Yangon: Department of Archaeology.
Rijal, Babu K. (1979). Archaeological Remains of Kapilvastu, Lumbini, and Devadaha,
Educational Enterprises (PVT) LTD, Kathmandu.
Shaw, Julia, (2009). Stupas, Monasteries and Relics in the Landscape: Typological, Spatial, and Temporal Patterns in the Sanchi Area, Institute of Archaeology, University College London.
Soni, Sujata. (1991). Evolution of Stupas in Burma, Pagan Period: 11th to 13th centuries AD,
Motilal Banarsidass Publishers PVT.LTD, Delhi.
Introduction
Bagan was the heart of the largest Buddhist empire in the medieval world, serving as a centre of economic, socio-political, and cultural networks that actively exchanged ideas and goods with other regions. The Buddhist culture of Bagan was enriched by a synthesis of Pala Indian styles and local doctrines, fostering religious and royal interactions that were reflected in its extensive architecture, mural paintings, and epigraphic records. The construction of Buddhist monuments in Bagan facilitated exchanges between donors and the royal court, establishing Bagan as the capital of this empire from the 10th century CE, with its peak period occurring between the 11th and 13th centuries CE. During this time, Bagan became the primary focus of religious activity, with the tradition of merit-making playing a crucial role in its development. Many religious structures from this era still survive in Bagan today.
The socio-political ideology in Bagan was characterized by the integration of social and political life, with village life (the heart of Bagan) being centred around Buddhism and the support of the monastic community.
Stupas and temples manifested royalty and social hierarchy by demonstrating power through donatory activities. The kings who ruled during the Bagan period exemplified proper actions and morals, reinforcing the Buddha’s teachings through artistic works such as murals, glazed plaques, and terracotta plaques.
Numerous socio-political ideas are reflected in Buddhist monuments across India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar. At various Buddhist sites in India, such as Kapilvastu in Nepal, original mud Buddhist structures have been discovered. These structures were often enlarged and encased with bricks or stones by subsequent donors to ensure their longevity and durability, reflecting the socio-political ideas of the time. Inscribed reliquaries, such as those found at the Piprahwa and Bhattiprolu stupas, reveal insights into the relics of the Buddha. Similarly, reliquaries from Stupa 3 at Sanchi and Stupa 2 at Satdhara contain inscriptions regarding the relics of the Buddha’s chief disciples, Sariputta and Mahamoggallana.
Additional inscribed reliquaries discovered at Sanchi Stupa 2 and other Bhilsa Tope sites relate to a group of Hemavata teachers led by an individual named Gotiputa, providing valuable insights into religious and socio-political ideas.
An inscribed copper relic casket was discovered at Shahji-ki-Dheri, the site of an ancient Kanishka stupa in Peshawar, Pakistan, while inscribed stone burial urns and a gilded silver relic casket were found at Srikshetra, Myanmar. The ashes of heroic kings of Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar, buried in stupas, also contribute to understanding socio-political ideas. Additionally, some Buddhist monuments in India, Thailand, and Myanmar feature circumambulatory paths. These paths were designed not only for veneration and movement around the stupa but also for observing the sculptures and decorations as symbols of political stature, highlighting the importance of durability and grandeur in Buddhist structures. Epigraphic records from the Pinya period indicate that King Uzana enlarged and reinforced eight original small stupas built by primary donors, reflecting the overarching socio-political ideas of the time aimed at promoting the growth and development of Buddhism and its structures.
larger stupa, dedicated to the father of the Buddha, was constructed during the Northern Black Polished Ware (NBP) period in the 6th century BCE, while the smaller stupa, dedicated to Queen Maha Devi, the mother of the Buddha, was built later.
The centre of the larger stupa originally consisted of a mud structure. In the second phase of construction, this mud stupa was encased in tapered bricks (Rijal, 1979, pp 39-42). Archaeological evidence indicates that the inner stupa of the larger structure was initially made of mud and was later encased and enlarged with bricks. This process of encasement and enlargement by secondary donors aimed to strengthen and elaborate the original structure, reflecting socio-political ideas and ensuring its longevity for the development of Buddhism and Buddhist structures. Excavations at Dhamnihawa suggest that the inner mud structure may have been constructed during the lifetime of the Buddha.
In Vaishali, a Buddha’s relic stupa originally built by the Lichchhavis was encased and enlarged by later kings in successive periods. The original inner structure, which may date back to pre-Asokan times, was made of mud and was encased with bricks four times to strengthen and elaborate it. Most Buddhist stupas in India from the pre-Asokan period were constructed of mud, while those from the Mauryan period were made of both mud and brick (Mitra, 1971). Archaeological excavations reveal that the inner stupa at Sanchi was originally built of brick and was later encased and enlarged with stones during the Sunga period to enhance its durability. During the Mauryan period, inner stupas were often made of mud, which deteriorated easily, whereas later structures were primarily of brick. Concerned with the preservation of these original mud structures, subsequent donors encased and enlarged them with stones or bricks, often performing this process five or six times. These actions reflect the socio-political ideas influencing the growth and prosperity of Buddhism and its structures.
While the original Mauryan-period structures were simple in design, later constructions were more elaborately decorated (Mitra, 1971; ASI, 1996, pp 85-88).
Typically, the inner stupas are older and smaller, whereas the outer stupas are younger and larger in India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar. This pattern indicates that later donors were motivated to build more elaborate and larger structures than those created by the primary donors, driven by socio-political ideas. Encasement thus plays a crucial role in the development of stronger and larger Buddhist structures, contributing significantly to the socio-political context of the time.
Epigraphic records indicate that King Uzana, during the Pinya period, encased and enlarged eight stupas, including the Tamote Shwegugyi temple. The Shwezigon stupa stone inscription, dated 1325 CE and located in the ancient city of Makkhaya, Kyaukse region, records that King Uzana enlarged and encased a previous small stupa known as the Mahtaw stupa (Moe, 2008).
Similarly, the Nan Oo stupa stone inscription, dated 1329 CE, mentions that King Uzana also enlarged and encased a small stupa to make it larger, stronger, and more elaborate (Nan Oo stupa stone inscription, 2007).
According to the Mahtaw Zedi stone inscription, dated 1335 CE, King Uzana enlarged and encased the Mahtaw Zedi stupa, originally located to the south of Tapekon village in the ancient city of Myin Khone Taing, Kyaukse region, Myanmar. The enlarged stupa measured 28.80 metres in diameter (Nyein Maung, 1983, Vol 3, pp 351-352). The Thayegu Phaya stone inscription, dated 1336 CE, notes that a small ruined stupa was rebuilt and encased by King Uzana, resulting in a more elaborate and larger stupa with a diameter of 27.89 metres. This inscription was originally found at the Thayegugyi pagoda to the east of Kinton village, Myin Khone Taing region, Kyaukse District (Nyein Maung, 1983, Vol 1, p 357).
According to the King Uzana stone inscription dated 1340 CE, found between the farmyards of U Tha Paw and Daw Tin May in TadaU Township, Mandalay, Myanmar, King Uzana, a secondary donor, encased an inner stupa originally built by his son Saw Htwe. The original stupa measured 13.72 metres in diameter, and King Uzana enlarged and elaborated it to make it stronger (Nyein Maung, 1983, Vol 4, p 13). The Moathtaw Phaya stone inscription, inscribed by King Bodaw Phaya in 1785 CE (DHRNL, 2014, Vol 6, pp 35-38), describes a small Moathtaw stupa in the Makkhaya region that was encased and enlarged by King Uzana to a diameter of 48.00 metres in 1325 CE. Another Moathtaw Phaya stone inscription at Manpaw village in the ancient city of Myin Khone Taing, also inscribed by King Bodaw Phaya in 1785 CE (DHRNL, 2014, Vol 6, pp 94-96), mentions that a small Moathtaw stupa was encased and enlarged by King Uzana to a diameter of 28.80 metres in 1335 CE.
These stone inscriptions reveal that King Uzana encased and enlarged numerous inner stupas during his reign, contributing to the prosperity and development of Buddhism. The epigraphic records confirm how underlying socio-political ideas played a crucial role in the growth and durability of Buddhist structures, illustrating the significance of encasement concepts in Myanmar as evidenced by these inscriptions.
TO BE CONTINUED
Source- The Global New Light of Myanmar
Introduction
Bagan was the heart of the largest Buddhist empire in the medieval world, serving as a centre of economic, socio-political, and cultural networks that actively exchanged ideas and goods with other regions. The Buddhist culture of Bagan was enriched by a synthesis of Pala Indian styles and local doctrines, fostering religious and royal interactions that were reflected in its extensive architecture, mural paintings, and epigraphic records. The construction of Buddhist monuments in Bagan facilitated exchanges between donors and the royal court, establishing Bagan as the capital of this empire from the 10th century CE, with its peak period occurring between the 11th and 13th centuries CE. During this time, Bagan became the primary focus of religious activity, with the tradition of merit-making playing a crucial role in its development. Many religious structures from this era still survive in Bagan today.
The socio-political ideology in Bagan was characterized by the integration of social and political life, with village life (the heart of Bagan) being centred around Buddhism and the support of the monastic community.
Stupas and temples manifested royalty and social hierarchy by demonstrating power through donatory activities. The kings who ruled during the Bagan period exemplified proper actions and morals, reinforcing the Buddha’s teachings through artistic works such as murals, glazed plaques, and terracotta plaques.
Numerous socio-political ideas are reflected in Buddhist monuments across India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar. At various Buddhist sites in India, such as Kapilvastu in Nepal, original mud Buddhist structures have been discovered. These structures were often enlarged and encased with bricks or stones by subsequent donors to ensure their longevity and durability, reflecting the socio-political ideas of the time. Inscribed reliquaries, such as those found at the Piprahwa and Bhattiprolu stupas, reveal insights into the relics of the Buddha. Similarly, reliquaries from Stupa 3 at Sanchi and Stupa 2 at Satdhara contain inscriptions regarding the relics of the Buddha’s chief disciples, Sariputta and Mahamoggallana.
Additional inscribed reliquaries discovered at Sanchi Stupa 2 and other Bhilsa Tope sites relate to a group of Hemavata teachers led by an individual named Gotiputa, providing valuable insights into religious and socio-political ideas.
An inscribed copper relic casket was discovered at Shahji-ki-Dheri, the site of an ancient Kanishka stupa in Peshawar, Pakistan, while inscribed stone burial urns and a gilded silver relic casket were found at Srikshetra, Myanmar. The ashes of heroic kings of Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar, buried in stupas, also contribute to understanding socio-political ideas. Additionally, some Buddhist monuments in India, Thailand, and Myanmar feature circumambulatory paths. These paths were designed not only for veneration and movement around the stupa but also for observing the sculptures and decorations as symbols of political stature, highlighting the importance of durability and grandeur in Buddhist structures. Epigraphic records from the Pinya period indicate that King Uzana enlarged and reinforced eight original small stupas built by primary donors, reflecting the overarching socio-political ideas of the time aimed at promoting the growth and development of Buddhism and its structures.
larger stupa, dedicated to the father of the Buddha, was constructed during the Northern Black Polished Ware (NBP) period in the 6th century BCE, while the smaller stupa, dedicated to Queen Maha Devi, the mother of the Buddha, was built later.
The centre of the larger stupa originally consisted of a mud structure. In the second phase of construction, this mud stupa was encased in tapered bricks (Rijal, 1979, pp 39-42). Archaeological evidence indicates that the inner stupa of the larger structure was initially made of mud and was later encased and enlarged with bricks. This process of encasement and enlargement by secondary donors aimed to strengthen and elaborate the original structure, reflecting socio-political ideas and ensuring its longevity for the development of Buddhism and Buddhist structures. Excavations at Dhamnihawa suggest that the inner mud structure may have been constructed during the lifetime of the Buddha.
In Vaishali, a Buddha’s relic stupa originally built by the Lichchhavis was encased and enlarged by later kings in successive periods. The original inner structure, which may date back to pre-Asokan times, was made of mud and was encased with bricks four times to strengthen and elaborate it. Most Buddhist stupas in India from the pre-Asokan period were constructed of mud, while those from the Mauryan period were made of both mud and brick (Mitra, 1971). Archaeological excavations reveal that the inner stupa at Sanchi was originally built of brick and was later encased and enlarged with stones during the Sunga period to enhance its durability. During the Mauryan period, inner stupas were often made of mud, which deteriorated easily, whereas later structures were primarily of brick. Concerned with the preservation of these original mud structures, subsequent donors encased and enlarged them with stones or bricks, often performing this process five or six times. These actions reflect the socio-political ideas influencing the growth and prosperity of Buddhism and its structures.
While the original Mauryan-period structures were simple in design, later constructions were more elaborately decorated (Mitra, 1971; ASI, 1996, pp 85-88).
Typically, the inner stupas are older and smaller, whereas the outer stupas are younger and larger in India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar. This pattern indicates that later donors were motivated to build more elaborate and larger structures than those created by the primary donors, driven by socio-political ideas. Encasement thus plays a crucial role in the development of stronger and larger Buddhist structures, contributing significantly to the socio-political context of the time.
Epigraphic records indicate that King Uzana, during the Pinya period, encased and enlarged eight stupas, including the Tamote Shwegugyi temple. The Shwezigon stupa stone inscription, dated 1325 CE and located in the ancient city of Makkhaya, Kyaukse region, records that King Uzana enlarged and encased a previous small stupa known as the Mahtaw stupa (Moe, 2008).
Similarly, the Nan Oo stupa stone inscription, dated 1329 CE, mentions that King Uzana also enlarged and encased a small stupa to make it larger, stronger, and more elaborate (Nan Oo stupa stone inscription, 2007).
According to the Mahtaw Zedi stone inscription, dated 1335 CE, King Uzana enlarged and encased the Mahtaw Zedi stupa, originally located to the south of Tapekon village in the ancient city of Myin Khone Taing, Kyaukse region, Myanmar. The enlarged stupa measured 28.80 metres in diameter (Nyein Maung, 1983, Vol 3, pp 351-352). The Thayegu Phaya stone inscription, dated 1336 CE, notes that a small ruined stupa was rebuilt and encased by King Uzana, resulting in a more elaborate and larger stupa with a diameter of 27.89 metres. This inscription was originally found at the Thayegugyi pagoda to the east of Kinton village, Myin Khone Taing region, Kyaukse District (Nyein Maung, 1983, Vol 1, p 357).
According to the King Uzana stone inscription dated 1340 CE, found between the farmyards of U Tha Paw and Daw Tin May in TadaU Township, Mandalay, Myanmar, King Uzana, a secondary donor, encased an inner stupa originally built by his son Saw Htwe. The original stupa measured 13.72 metres in diameter, and King Uzana enlarged and elaborated it to make it stronger (Nyein Maung, 1983, Vol 4, p 13). The Moathtaw Phaya stone inscription, inscribed by King Bodaw Phaya in 1785 CE (DHRNL, 2014, Vol 6, pp 35-38), describes a small Moathtaw stupa in the Makkhaya region that was encased and enlarged by King Uzana to a diameter of 48.00 metres in 1325 CE. Another Moathtaw Phaya stone inscription at Manpaw village in the ancient city of Myin Khone Taing, also inscribed by King Bodaw Phaya in 1785 CE (DHRNL, 2014, Vol 6, pp 94-96), mentions that a small Moathtaw stupa was encased and enlarged by King Uzana to a diameter of 28.80 metres in 1335 CE.
These stone inscriptions reveal that King Uzana encased and enlarged numerous inner stupas during his reign, contributing to the prosperity and development of Buddhism. The epigraphic records confirm how underlying socio-political ideas played a crucial role in the growth and durability of Buddhist structures, illustrating the significance of encasement concepts in Myanmar as evidenced by these inscriptions.
TO BE CONTINUED
Source- The Global New Light of Myanmar