HUMAN resources, alongside money, materials, and manpower, are essential for a country’s development. By investing in education, countries aim to cultivate skilled human resources, which are crucial for their growth and progress.
The interim census of 2019 revealed that 18.2 million people over the age of 25 missed out on completing middle school education and lower levels. In response, the government prioritizes projects aimed at enhancing the education sector. Surveys show that only about 20 per cent of students who began kindergarten reach the matriculation level, meaning over 80 per cent of students do not advance beyond primary and middle school education.
In this context, the primary reason for halting education is the need for families to earn income and support family businesses. All citizens must understand the importance of completing at least basic education through middle school rather than settling for minimal literacy.
Currently, the government provides opportunities for students who have completed middle school to pursue further education in agriculture, livestock, and industrial techniques. They can either enter vocational training and join the workforce or continue their education at higher levels. However, if they discontinue their education due to poverty, they risk becoming trapped in a cycle of poverty with limited capacity to improve their situation.
Therefore, it is essential for both children and parents to fully understand the learning opportunities provided by the government for ongoing education. By taking advantage of these opportunities with diligence, perseverance, and hard work, they can improve their socioeconomic status.
Significantly, governments are implementing projects to provide learning opportunities for children aged 10 to 14 who missed out on primary education for various reasons, as well as for those aged 13 to 18 who need alternative middle school education. Students who complete middle school will then have the opportunity to pursue a basic high school education. The success of this alternative education system relies on the thorough understanding and engagement of both students and parents.
The Constitution (2008) states that all citizens shall have a chance to learn in accord with the educational policies adopted by the government. Additionally, the government has implemented compulsory primary education, and all citizens must complete primary school education at a minimum. Since high-quality education is crucial for the State’s development and the democratization of the nation, all citizens need to take advantage of the educational opportunities provided by the government.
Source- The Global New Light of Myanmar
I had already heard about the upcoming census a few months ago, so it wasn’t surprising. However, my son and daughter found it quite unusual. They had never personally experienced a census before. Because the term “census” in Myanmar translates to “Than Gaung”, which implies midnight, they assumed the census officials would come in the evening, knocking on the door to collect data. I had to explain to them that this wasn’t the case.
A day before the census collection, some responsible officials came to distribute a booklet to every household, informing us about the types of questions that would be asked on census day. I refer to it as a booklet because it wasn’t just a single page but several – around twenty pages bound together like a small booklet. After receiving it, I took the time to read through it. I won’t go into detail about the individual pages, but I will outline the main sections.
The booklet contained nine sections:
1. Population information
2. Internal migration
3. Educational background
4. Workforce participation
5. Birth data
6. Disability information
7. International migration
8. Housing data
9. Deaths and maternal mortality
The booklet contained 18 pages in total, and I noticed that the questions were quite numerous. From my estimation, it could take at least 45 minutes to an hour to complete all the questions and fill in the forms for a single household. The officials informed us that they would come back the next day to conduct the census and left after that.
The following day, 4 October, I started expecting the census visitors as early as 8 am. However, no one arrived in the morning. It wasn’t until the afternoon that I saw a bit of activity. Around 3 pm, census officials appeared around our neighbourhood. At that point, we also heard some additional news – some high-ranking officials would visit a few houses on our street and take photos and video footage as part of the process. However, in the end, no high-ranking officials came.
I continued waiting, and at around 10 minutes to 6 pm, a group of six people, including one young woman and five men, arrived at my gate. The men were older, while the young woman appeared to be about 20 years old. She explained that they had come to conduct the census. I invited them into the living room where I had prepared seats and a table, but the young woman declined, saying she would just ask the questions from the doorway.
The young woman held a seven-inch tablet in her hand and began asking the questions. I had my household registration and identity cards ready and answered her questions. The questions were the same ones I had studied in the booklet the day before, but not all of them were asked. It seemed like she was only asking for the essential information. As far as I can recall, the questions included my name and age, my children’s names and ages, their educational qualifications, how many rooms we had in the house, what type of water we used for drinking, and whether we had any family members living abroad. There were far fewer questions than I had expected, but I assumed they only asked what was necessary. One thing that stood out was that the young woman’s tablet seemed to have some kind of software installed, as she typed in my responses and tapped on her tablet six or seven times for each question.
The entire process took only about 10 minutes, and the census collection was complete. One of the men who had accompanied her placed a sticker on the door before they left. After they left, my son and daughter came over and asked a lot of questions, each sharing their thoughts about the experience, as this was something they had never encountered before. I then explained the whole process to them as best as I could to help them understand what had just happened.
Census-taking is a vital practice carried out to understand the demographic composition of a country. In Myanmar, this activity is especially significant, as it helps to track population changes, monitor social development, and provide accurate data for resource distribution. Recently, census officers visited my home to collect important information as part of the nationwide effort. This visit, like many others across the country, is a small but critical step in the larger goal of obtaining a comprehensive snapshot of the population. The data collected during these visits holds great significance for the future of Myanmar, ensuring that accurate statistics guide national decision-making and planning.
Census collection in Myanmar has a long history, dating back to the British colonial period when the first official census was con- ducted in 1872. Over the years, the practice has evolved, reflecting the changing social and political landscape of the country. While the early censuses were primarily aimed at understanding the economic productivity and administrative divisions under colonial rule, today’s census serves much broader purposes. Modern censuses in Myanmar are now conducted with international standards, focusing on aspects such as gender equality, ethnic diversity, and social well-being. This historical progression underscores how far Myanmar has come in utilizing census data to reflect the realities of its population.
During the census, officers collect various types of data that go far beyond simple headcounts. Information such as age, gender, marital status, education level,
occupation, and even household facilities are documented. Each of these data points plays a crucial role in forming a complete picture of the nation’s demographic composition. For example, knowing the number of school-age children can help the government plan for future educational needs, while understanding employment statistics can guide economic development strategies. The accuracy and reliability of this data are essential because they inform the government on issues such as infrastructure development, healthcare provisions, and social welfare programmes.
The data collected through the census has a direct influence on government policies and resource allocation. Once processed, the results help identify where investments in public services are needed most. For example, regions with high population densities may require additional schools, hospitals, or roads, while areas with ageing populations might benefit from more healthcare facilities. Furthermore, census data is critical in addressing social inequalities. By analyzing the information, the government can pinpoint areas where minority communities or underprivileged groups may be underrepresented and implement targeted policies to address these disparities. Ultimately, the census ensures that resources are distributed fairly and effectively, allowing Myanmar to build a more equitable and prosperous future for all its citizens.
The current census collection across Myanmar provides a rare opportunity to engage with the country’s changing demographic landscape. For many, like my children, this is their first encounter with the process. It highlights the generational gap in understanding how such vital information is collected and its broader purpose. The way people interact with census officials, and the expectations they hold, show a mix of curiosity and unfamiliarity, reminding us how important it is to raise public awareness about such activities. This unfamiliarity emphasizes the need for continuous public education on the importance of data collection, transparency, and how it directly benefits their community.
The method of data collection, using technology like tablets, also shows the significant progress Myanmar has made in modernizing its census practices. Moving away from paper forms and embracing digital tools not only speeds up the process but also increases the accuracy of the information collected. While the shift to digital tools was noticeable, it also sparked conversations about privacy and data security
among those unfamiliar with such technology. This balance between modern methods and public trust remains a key issue that needs to be addressed in future census activities.
The experience of participating in a census raises broader questions about national development and the role each citizen plays in shaping the country’s future. Every household, regardless of size or status, contributes to the overall understanding of Myanmar’s social and economic standing. From collecting basic demographic details to more intricate data like international migration and household amenities, the census serves as a mirror reflecting the nation’s progress. It also opens a dialogue about where improvements are needed and how collective data can lead to more effective governance and equitable resource distribution.
As Myanmar continues its nationwide census activities, the importance of such efforts cannot be overstated. The data collected will not only inform immediate governmental decisions but will also shape long-term strategies for sustainable development. By ensuring that all voices are counted, the census provides a critical foundation for addressing the diverse needs of the population, bridging social inequalities, and fostering a more inclusive future. In this way, the census acts as a guiding tool for national progress, reminding us all that every individual contribution helps to paint a more accurate picture of Myanmar’s path forward. After listening to my long explanation, my children smiled at me and revealed their thanks.
Source- www.moi.gov.mm
WORLD Habitat Day, observed on the first Monday of October each year, serves as a reminder that everyone has the power and responsibility to shape the future of urban spaces. The theme for the significant day in 2024, “Engaging youth to create a better urban future,” highlights the critical role young people play in shaping sustainable cities. The global event on 7 October 2024 will be held in Querétaro, Mexico, and will focus on addressing the challenges and opportunities of rapid urbanization by actively involving youth in planning and decision-making processes.
Urbanization is happening at a fast pace, and young people, particularly in regions like Africa and Asia, make up a significant portion of the urban population. Currently, youth in the global South represent over 70 per cent of urban residents. The United Nations projects that by 2050, nearly 70 per cent of the world’s population will live in cities, making inclusive urban planning more urgent than ever. This trend underscores the need for youth involvement in building sustainable, inclusive communities.
The concept of habitat is central to human development. Since prehistoric times, humans have lived in organized societies to protect themselves from dangers and improve their living conditions. Over time, these societies evolved from small villages to towns, cities, and eventually countries. As civilizations advanced, so did their ability to use technology and innovation to shape their environments. Today, society benefits from these advancements, but it is crucial that the younger generation be empowered to continue this development and create sustainable urban futures.
The United Nations recognizes the ongoing challenges in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs),
particularly in urban areas. Issues such as inequality, lack of resources, and environmental concerns pose significant threats to the growth and resilience of cities. Engaging youth is essential in addressing these obstacles. By involving them in urban planning and leadership roles, cities can harness their energy, creativity, and fresh perspectives to promote more sustainable and equitable urban development.
As such, World Habitat Day 2024 emphasizes the importance of youth engagement in shaping the future of urban spaces. By giving young people a platform to participate in decision-making and planning, cities can move towards more resilient and inclusive futures, benefiting both current and future generations. Empowering youth is not just an option but a necessity for creating a brighter, more sustainable urban future for all.
Introduction
Peace treaties have been essential tools in global diplomacy, marking the end of conflicts and establishing frameworks for reconciliation. Historically, these treaties shaped borders dictated terms of surrender, and laid the groundwork for rebuilding nations. However, the nature of peace treaties has evolved significantly in the 21st Century, reflecting changes in international law, geopolitics, and the complexity of modern warfare. This article explores the evolution of peace treaties in the 21st Century, focusing on the changing actors, mechanisms, and challenges shaping these agreements.
The Historical Framework
Peace treaties in previous centuries often followed similar patterns. For instance, the Treaty of Westphalia (1648), which ended the Thirty Years’ War, established the modern concept of state sovereignty, emphasizing the principles of non-interference in internal affairs and the balance of power between European states. Similarly, the Treaty of Versailles (1919) concluded World War I by imposing heavy reparations on Germany, redrawing national borders, and creating the League of Nations in an effort to prevent future global conflicts. The Cold War era added new dimensions, where ideological struggles and superpower rivalry influenced treaties, but the actors were still predominantly nation-states. For example, military pacts like NATO and the Warsaw Pact reflected these rivalries, serving as deterrents while promoting the interests of their respective blocs. Similarly, arms control treaties, such as the SALT agreements, were negotiated under pressure to limit nuclear proliferation amidst fears of mutual destruction.
With the end of the Cold War, peace processes took on new forms, focusing on the integration of former adversaries into international systems, as seen with treaties following the breakup of Yugoslavia, most notably the Dayton Agreement (1995). However, the 21st Century has introduced unique geopolitical dynamics that have altered the way peace treaties are negotiated and implemented.
21st Century Peace Treaties: New Actors and Complexities
The 21st Century introduced new dimensions into the art of peacemaking, primarily due to the rise of non-state actors, globalization, and technological advancements. Unlike previous centuries, where peace treaties typically involved state actors, today’s agreements often need to address insurgent groups, terrorist organizations, and multinational corporations.
For example, the Afghanistan Peace Agreement of 2020 involved negotiations between the United States and the Taliban – an in-surgent group rather than a recognized state government. The complexities of this agreement highlight the challenge of dealing with non-state actors whose motivations are often ideological or extremist in nature. The inclusion of such groups in the peace process is a significant evolution in treaty-making and raises questions about legitimacy, enforcement, and compliance.
Additionally, peace treaties now have to consider global networks. The use of cyber warfare, economic sanctions, and international legal mechanisms can either enforce or undermine peace agreements. These factors add layers of complexity that make treaty enforcement more difficult than in the past.
The Role of International Organizations
Another defining feature of modern peace treaties is the increasing involvement of international organizations like the United Nations and the European Union and regional bodies such as the African Union. The Colombian Peace Agreement of 2016, for instance, which ended a 50-year conflict with the FARC rebels (The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia), was brokered with significant international oversight, including the involvement of the UN and neighbouring countries.
These organizations now often act as guarantors or mediators of peace agreements, providing neutral platforms and ensuring that the terms are monitored and adhered to. While this offers a higher chance of stability, it also requires multilateral cooperation, which is challenging to maintain in a geopolitically polarized world.
Geopolitical Influences and Major Powers
The influence of global powers continues to shape the nature of peace treaties. The 21st Century has seen a shift towards a multipolar world, where the dominance of the United States is being contested by rising powers such as China and Russia. This contest often leads to proxy conflicts, where peace agreements become strategic tools in a broader geopolitical struggle.
For example, peace agreements in the Middle East, such as those involving Syria, have been heavily influenced by external powers like Russia, the US, and Iran. These agreements often reflect the interests of these powers rather than the local populations, leading to fragile outcomes that are susceptible to collapse.
The Minsk Agreements (2014-2015), designed to resolve the conflict in Eastern Ukraine, show how peace treaties are often negotiated under the influence of great power politics. Despite being signed, these agreements have largely failed to bring lasting peace, in part due to the competing interests of Russia and Western nations, illustrating the challenges of reaching consensus in a fragmented world order.
The Role of Technology in Modern Peace Agreements
One of the most significant changes to peace treaties in the 21st Century is the role of technology. Cybersecurity, disinformation campaigns, and technological warfare are now central considerations in any peace process. Conflicts no longer take place solely on the battlefield; they unfold in cyberspace, affecting the terms and conditions of modern treaties.
For instance, agreements now frequently contain clauses addressing the misuse of technology, ensuring the prevention of cyber attacks or regulating the use of social media to inflame tensions. The rise of autonomous drones, artificial intelligence in warfare, and cyber sabotage has made peace treaties much more complex, as they now need to cover these technological dimensions alongside traditional military terms.
Future Trends: What Lies Ahead for Peace Treaties?
Looking forward, peace treaties in the 21st Century will likely continue to evolve to meet new global challenges. Climate change, resource scarcity, and migration crises are likely to become focal points of future conflicts, influencing the nature of peace agreements. The South China Sea, for example, is becoming a strategic area of interest due to territorial disputes and natural resources, and future peace agreements may need to include clauses about resource-sharing, navigation rights, and conflict resolution. Moreover, as the world becomes more interconnected, peace processes will increasingly require cooperation across multiple sectors, from civil society to the private sector. Technology companies, for instance, may play a role in ensuring that communication networks are not used to spread disinformation or incite violence during peace negotiations.
Conclusion
The evolution of peace treaties in the 21st Century reflects the complexity of modern conflicts, the changing nature of global power dynamics, and the rise of new actors and technologies. While traditional treaties focus on land, sovereignty, and ceasefires, modern agreements must address a broader range of issues, from ideological insurgencies to cybersecurity. As the world continues to shift towards multipolarity, the success of peace treaties will depend on the ability to adapt to these new challenges, ensuring that peace remains sustainable in an increasingly complex global landscape.
References;
1. C V (2020). The Peace of Westphalia and the Origins of Sovereignty. Journal of International Law and Politics, 52 (1), 123-145.
2. MacMillan, M (2001). Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World. New York: Random House.
3. Acharya, A (2001). Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia: ASEAN and the Problem of Regional Order. New York: Routledge.
4. Glaser, B S (2019). The South China Sea: A Battleground for International Law and Geopolitical Rivalry. International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law, 34 (2), 1-25.
5. Reuveny, R. (2007). Climate Change and Conflict: The Security Risks of Global Warming. Social Forces, 85 (3), 1169-1194.
6. Zartman, I W (2005). Peacemaking in International Conflict: Methods & Techniques. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press.
Source- The Global New Light of Myanmar
The 20th China-ASEAN Expo saw record numbers of events, cooperation projects and investments. Nearly 2,000 businesses, up 18.2 per cent from 2022, showcased their products at the expo. High-tech products such as intelligent equipment became a highlight at the expo. Particularly, Brunei’s decision to purchase 30 Chinese-made airplanes, namely C919 and ARJ21, for more than US$2 billion in total became the biggest deal in the expo’s 20-year history.
The bustling scene at the expo illuminates an emerging trend in China’s trade sector in recent months: Even as Chinese exports face a weakening external demand due to a wide range of factors including profound challenges and rising protectionism in advanced economies such as the US and Europe, China’s trade with emerging markets, including ASEAN and countries and regions participating in the joint construction of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), continues to rise steadily. Meanwhile, high-value, high-quality Chinese products such as new-energy vehicles (NEVs) and construction equipment are becoming new growth spots.
While foreign media outlets have been hyping claims of “falling” Chinese exports or allegations of Made-in-China being “replaced” by other countries and regions, China’s foreign trade remains resilient in the face of external and internal downward pressure, businesses and economists noted. And as exports remain one of the three growth engines of the Chinese economy, high-value, high-quality trade will continue to help stabilize the world’s second-largest economy in the coming months and years, they noted.
Resilience in hardship
At the exhibition halls of the China-ASEAN Expo, vendors from ASEAN showed a palpable sense of confidence and interest in boosting trade with China, as they showcased various products, which were emptied by visitors. While ASEAN exhibitors focused more on agricultural products and small commodities, Chinese exhibitors focused on high-tech products such as NEVs and robots.
“The world is currently facing an economic slowdown… ASEAN member countries are pinning their hopes on China,” Tan Sri Dato’ Low Kian Chuan, President of The Associated Chinese Chambers of Commerce and Industry of Malaysia (ACCCIM), told the Global Times on Tuesday on the sidelines of the China-ASEAN Expo. “It can be seen from the trade volume that China-ASEAN trade has surpassed the EU. We need China, and China also needs ASEAN. Bilateral cooperation will definitely deepen.”
In the first eight months of 2023, China’s total imports and exports dropped by 0.1 per cent year-on-year to 27.08 trillion yuan, with exports growing by 0.8 per cent year-on-year to 15.47 trillion yuan, according to data from the General Administration of Customs (GAC). However, there were also plenty of emerging trends that point to the resilience and upgrade of China’s trade sector.
From January to August, China’s imports and exports with 152 countries that are participating in the joint construction of the China-proposed BRI grew by 3.6 per cent yearon-year to 12.62 trillion yuan, accounting for 46.6 per cent of China’s total foreign trade. China’s trade with ASEAN, which remains China’s biggest trading partner, grew by 1.6 per cent year-on-year to 4.11 trillion, accounting for 15.2 per cent of China’s total trade. The fall in China’s overall trade during the period is largely due to declines in exports to the EU, the US and Japan, which all face stubbornly high levels of inflation.
In terms of top export products, demand for Chinese-made mechanical and electrical products remained high, as exports during the first eight months increased 3.6 per cent year-onyear. Exports of cars, including NEVs, skyrocketed by 104.4 per cent year-on-year. China’s car exports have made headlines around the globe, with many foreign media outlets predicting that China is set to overtake Japan as the world’s biggest car exporter in 2023.
A slew of advanced technology exhibits was unveiled at the China-ASEAN Expo. The exhibits cover a wide range of products, spanning aerospace, advanced manufacturing, sustainable development, and digital advanced applicable technologies, offering the audience a glimpse of life in the future. The advanced tech exhibition area covers an area of 3,400 square metres, with a total of 124 exhibitors and 345 exhibiting projects on display.
Gao Lingyun, an expert at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing, said Chinese products still maintain a solid competitive edge even though Chinese exports face challenges such as US’ additional tariffs. Gao noted the challenges will be relatively short-term against the back-drop of the trade competition between China and the US.
“The core factor affecting China’s trade, namely the competitiveness of Chinese products, has not undergone major changes,” Gao told the Global Times, adding that while the role of exports as a major economic engine is decreasing due to the rise of Chinese consumption, China’s foreign trade still has a vast potential for development.
High-quality development
New trends in China’s foreign trade also underscored high-quality development, in which more markets have been explored and more Chinese-made high-tech products are getting increasingly popular around the world, analysts noted, stressing that an increasingly optimized trade structure that focuses on emerging markets and industries is more sustainable in the long run.
Zhou Mi, a senior research fellow with the Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Cooperation, said that one of the biggest highlights of China’s foreign trade is that the trade volume with countries participating in the BRI is rising sharply, which in turn lifts local economic developments and thus demand. In terms of product offerings, China’s exports sector has responded swiftly to demand for the digital economy, green development and other new consumption trends.
“To gauge the global influence of one country’s exports, we still need to see whether it can meet the needs of global economic and industrial upgrading, so the quality of exports needs more attention. China’s exports are still recovering, and this recovery is not only reflected in the quantity,” Zhou told the Global Times. “We cannot just focus on increasing the scale of exports, we also need to improve the quality.”
Amid the rapidly shifting global geo-economic landscape and the domestic industrial upgrade, China has made high-quality development in foreign trade one of its top priorities, and has taken a slew of measures in this regard. In April, the Ministry of Commerce introduced a series of policies to stabilize the scale of foreign trade and improve its structure, including helping automakers establish and improve their international marketing and service systems, and improving foreign trade financing services for medium, small and micro enterprises. These measures have greatly helped boost relevant sectors such as soaring NEV exports.
Another highlight of China’s foreign trade sectors this year is surging exports by private enterprises. In the first eight months, total exports value by private enterprises rose by 6 per cent to 14.33 trillion yuan, accounting for 52.9 per cent of the national total, according to the GAC.
The measures, which also include extensively resuming domestic offline exhibitions, will continue to help enterprises explore more markets. China has held a series of trade fairs this year, including the China-ASEAN Expo and the China International Fair for Trade in Services earlier this month. More are under planning, including the China International Import Expo scheduled later this year in Shanghai, which has become a major event for global trade cooperation that focuses on imports.
“I have confidence in China. I believe that China has the conditions and capabilities. Moreover, China is not just the world’s largest factory. It can make breakthroughs and cope with the current challenges through its own technological innovation,” Low said.
Source- The Global New Light of Myanmar
A CCORDING to the chronicles, Bagan was founded in AD 107. Anawrahta, the first unifier of Myanmar, established “Theravada, Buddhism” with the help of Buddhist Missionary “Shin Arahan”.
Theravada Buddhism is more of a system of philosophy and practical ethics than a religion, and Buddhism is certainly not a religion.
In the coming October, the Six World Buddhist Forum is slated to take place in the city of Ningbo in east China, Zhejiang Province, with an aim to promote world peace improve the well-being and strength for building a community with a shared future for humanity. The Buddhists, experts, scholars and delegates from about 70 countries and regions around the world shall attend this forum.
Generally, in our childhood, we worship the Buddha, Dhamma and Samga according to traditional Buddhism. In this way, we have been obeying the law, disciplined, and avoiding evil since childhood.
The Five Precepts are the basic moral codes of conduct. Our life would be a truly happy one, and our society would become a much safer and more peaceful place if the Five Precepts were observed in earnest. When we examine the social implications of the Five Precepts, we find that: -
(1) To abstain from taking life (Killing)
(2) To abstain from taking what is not one’s own by right (Stealing)
(3) To abstain from sexual misconduct
(4) To abstain from untruthfulness and
(5) To abstain from intoxicating drinks and drugs
From the olden days to today, we all face absolutism, hegemonism, capitalism, neo-colonialism, fascism, terrorism and many wars because of greediness and anger. At least we can avoid many wars and armed conflicts by obeying the noble Buddhist five placepots and taking advantage of peace. So, the Five Precepts always give the destruction of life and the spirit of tolerance.
Remember the three fierce, unyielding enemies, namely, Greed (Lobha), Anger (Dosa) and Delusion (Mogha), which wage war on us.
“Theravada Buddhism advise every person to strive and work hard to achieve his goals, material or spiritual, through his efforts. It teaches every person to be kind and gentle. Buddhists are peace-loving people and have never made war. Today, there is violence everywhere in our society because many people are selfish and lack kindness.
Besides, Buddha’s “Mangala Sutta” gives us a positive Guideline for our life. If we consistently follow it, we shall progress both materially and spiritually; if we follow it, we will progress towards a happy life.
I think that if we all practice the noble Buddha’s “Mangala Sutta”, the world shall get true peace. The blessings that the Buddha enunciated in the Mangala Sutta are thirty- eight in number. If we carefully examine the thirty-eight blessings, we shall find that each is useful in itself and directly relevant to our lives. The first blessing, for example, tells us not to get involved with evil people and allow ourselves to be influenced by their wicked ways. The second one advises us to associate with good people, for such an association would bring us no harm and happiness and property.
May I say that it is the Buddha’s Dhamma that should be studied by one and all for a new insight into all mental issues that affect it?
Nowadays, there is dissatisfaction almost everywhere, and desertification creates ill feelings.
Ill-feeling creates Hatred. Hatred creates Enmity.
Enmity creates war. War creates Enemies. Enemies create Wars.
War creates Enemies and so on in a vicious circle.
Therefore, it is time for us to work and learn how to live the Buddha’s way successfully. Life, like the sea, has its waves of tricks, but the Buddha-Dhamma winds are strong enough to bring us through each wave successfully.
The noble Buddha, who points the way to eternal peace, has said,
“Victory breeds more Enmity and Hatred. Defeat brings humiliation, Frustration and all kinds of Disharmony. If the cause of strife is removed, there will be no more strife and Enmity and thus peace of mind and body will be secured”.
Every day, in a routine way, we may also strive to gain awareness of the Noble Eight-Fold Path, especially Right thought, speech, action, livelihood and effort. Every time our behaviour, which can be based on the moral (Sila), is free from “Lobha” (Greed), “Dosa” (Anger) and “Moha” (Ignorance), we should obey the virtues of loving-kind (Metta) and volition (Cetana) in connection with all social affairs every day.
Every Buddhist always pay homage to five Unique Benefactors,
(1) Gratitudes and dignities of Buddha are infinity. (Budda Guno Anando)
(2) Gratitudes and dignities of doctrines are countless (Dhamma Guno Anando)
(3) Gratitudes and dignities of monks have no limit. (Samgha Guno Anando)
(4) Gratitudes and dignities of parents are beyond. (Mata Petu Guno Anando)
(5) Gratitudes and dignities of teachers are limitless. (Accariya Guno Anando)
(1) We take refuge in the Buddha
(2) We take refuge in the Dhamma
(3) We take refuge in the Samgha
(4) We take refuge in the Parents
(5) We take refuge in the Teachers
(1) We observe the precept to abstain from attending to and killing living beings.
(2) We observe the precept to abstain from stealing and trying to spend one’s wealth.
(3) We observe the precept to abstain from sexual misconduct and unlawful cruel indulgence in another’s wife or husband.
(4) We observe the precept to abstain from telling all and from speaking filthy language to hurt part and parcel of another.
(5) We observe the precept to abstain from intoxication and drug abuse.
In conclusion, according to the five processes, our life would be truly happy, and our society would become safer and more peaceful, at least in the world. They will be able to live happily in a way that is genuinely Buddhist.
Source- The Global New Light of Myanmar
Buddhist Monuments with Circumambulatory Corridors
In 1873, Alexander Cunningham, a renowned archaeologist and the father of Indian archaeology excavated the Bharhut stupa in Madhya Pradesh, India. This stupa, which is one of the encased stupas in India, was found to have a circumambulatory path. Although smaller than the larger stupas at Sanchi, Bhattiprolu, or Amravati, the Bharhut stupa features remarkable sculptural details. The circumambulatory corridor was designed not only for the act of veneration and circumambulation around the stupa but also to allow observers to appreciate the sculptures and ornamentations as part of the socio-political context.
Similarly, the Dharmarajika stupa in Sarnath reveals six successive encasements through archaeological excavations. Notably, circumambulatory paths (Pradakshina-Patha) were added during the second and third phases of enlargement (Mitra, 1971, pp 66-69). At the Amaravati stupa, a circumambulatory passageway was introduced later, positioned between the railing and the drum of the stupa (Mitra, 1971, pp 200-204).
In contrast, the Phra Pathom stupa in Thailand also features a circumambulatory corridor (see Figure 1). Soni noted that this stupa exemplifies encasement, as a new structure enveloped the original shrine to fulfil King Mongkut’s wish to protect the relics (Soni, 1991). Prior to King Rama IV’s restoration, the Phra Pathom stupa was surmounted by a prang inspired by Khmer Prasat architecture. Following the restoration, King Rama IV’s encasement introduced a gallery path between the older and newly encased outer stupas. These structures include circumambulatory paths designed not only for veneration and movement around the stupa but also for the observation and study of the sculptures and decorations, reflecting their political significance.
Similarly, numerous Moathtaw stupas across Myanmar also feature circumambulatory corridors (Bo Kay, 1981, pp 220- 222). Many of these stupas have stone inscriptions detailing the structures built by King Asoka, providing valuable evidence of the active beliefs during the Bagan era. Some Moathtaw stupas constructed by successive kings are solid, while others are hollow with corridors. At Bagan, three Moathtaw stupas include such corridors. Temple No 1182, a uniquely shaped temple at Bagan, is one example of an encased temple featuring a circumambulatory corridor between its inner and outer structures. These corridors are not only for worship and veneration but also for moving around and studying the art and architecture of the inner and outer stupas, reflecting their socio-political context.
Currently, there are eightythree encased monuments at Bagan, making it the richest area of Buddhist monuments in Myanmar. Most of these encased structures were enlarged by secondary donors to enhance the growth and development of Buddhism and its monuments, emphasizing their socio-political stature and aiming to create stronger, larger, and more durable structures.
Inscribed Relic Caskets
In 1854, Alexander Cunningham discovered several important Buddhist sites, including Sanchi and four nearby sites — Sonari, Satdhara, Morel Khurd, and Andheri — in India, located about 10 kilometres from Sanchi. The inscribed reliquaries from these sites link them to a group of Hemavata teachers led by an individual named Gotiputa. The Hemavata may have arrived in Vidisha during the second century BCE (Sunga period), taking over older sites such as Sanchi and Satdhara while establishing new centres at Sonari, Morel Khurd, and Andheri. Inscribed relic caskets from these sites include relics of Sariputta and Mahamoggallana, chief disciples of the Buddha, which were recovered from Stupa 3 at Sanchi and Stupa 2 at Satdhara (Mitra, 1971, pp 96-99; Shaw et al, 2009). These inscriptions and archaeological findings are significant for understanding the religious and socio-political ideas of the time.
At Bhattiprolu village in the Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh, India, three unexcavated mounds were discovered in 1870. Alexander Rea conducted archaeological excavations at the site in 1892, uncovering three inscribed stone reliquaries containing crystal reliquaries, Buddha’s relics, and jewels. The base of a great stupa, measuring 40 metres in diameter, was recovered at this site. The relics, including a crystal relic casket, were found at the centre of the stupa. Additionally, a silver reliquary, a gold reliquary, a stone receptacle, a copper vessel, and numerous Buddha images were uncovered. Brahmi scripts inscribed on an urn containing Buddha relics were also found. This inscriptional and archaeological evidence highlights the socio-political purposes of enshrining Buddha’s relics, reflecting the donors’ motivations driven by both religious and political concepts. The inscriptions at Bhattiprolu suggest that the relic stupa was intended not only for worship and veneration but also to enhance social and political stature. Bhattiprolu is known for its Buddhist stupa, which was built around the 3rd to 2nd centuries BCE, and the inscriptions indicate that King Kaberuka ruled over Bhattiprolu around 230 BCE. Similarly, the inscribed copper relic casket discovered at Shah-ji-ki-dheri in Peshawar documents the Kushan ruler Kanishka (Mitra, 1971, pp 118-120). An inscribed gilded silver relic casket (see Figure 2) discovered at Khinba mound in 1926-27 mentioned royal donors “Sri Prabhu Varman” and “SriPrabhu Devi”, belonging to the 5th-7th century CE (Varman Dynasty) (Aung Thaw et al, 1993). These inscriptions reflect that many donors were motivated by religious and socio-political concepts, aiming to make the relic-imbued stupa prominent for veneration while also enhancing its associated social and economic benefits.
Inscribed Burial Urns
In 1911-12, four inscribed stone burial urns were discovered 183 metres south of Phayagyi stupa in Sri Kshetra, Myanmar. An additional inscribed stone burial urn (see Figure 3) was found at Payahtaung pagoda in 1993. These inscriptions recorded the royal titles, ages, reigns, and dates of demise of various kings. The urns include names such as “Hrivikrama”, “Sihavikrama”, and “Suravikrama” for the earlier period, and “Devamitra”, “Dhammaditravikrama”, “Brahimhtuvikrama”, “Sihavikrama”, “Suriravikrama”, “Harivikrama”, and “Ardhitravikrama” for the later period, dating to the 7th-8th century CE and reflecting the Vikrama Dynasty. These inscribed burial urns from Sri Kshetra provide significant insights into the socio-political ideas of the time.
In Sri Lanka, the Dekkhina Dagaba (stupa) in Anuradhapura was an encasement and enlargement of an earlier construction built over the ashes of King Duthagamani. Traces of charcoal and ashes found in the centre of the dagaba highlight the significance of this site. Similarly, the Kujjatissa Pabbata (stupa), dating to the 8th century CE and located outside the south gate of the city, contains the ashes of the Elara, buried by King Duthagamani (Ministry of Cultural Affairs, 1981, p 21). These archaeological findings underscore the socio-political importance of burying the ashes of heroic kings in these stupas.
In Thailand, the Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya (2006) describe the construction of chedis at Wat Phra Si Sanphet. The first chedi, built by King Ramathibodi II (1491-1529 CE) in 1492 CE, enshrined the ashes of his father, King Borommatrailokanat (1448-1463 CE). The second chedi, constructed at the same time, was dedicated to King Borommaracha III (1463- 1488 CE), his elder brother. Forty years later, King Boromracha IV (1529-1533 CE) built the third chedi to enshrine the remains of his father, King Ramathibodi II (Cushman, 2006). The Royal Chronicles also mention that King U Thong (1350-69 CE) arranged for the cremation of two princes, Chao Keo and Chao Thai, and built Wat Pa Kaeo, a stupa, and an assembly hall in their memory. Their ashes may have been enshrined in this stupa. These findings illustrate the religious and socio-political motivations behind enshrining the ashes of heroic kings and royal families in Buddhist monuments across Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar, highlighting their desire to enhance the social and economic benefits associated with these relic-imbued structures.
Conclusion
The examination of enlarged Buddhist structures, inscribed relic caskets, and burial urns reveals significant socio-political and religious dimensions of Buddhist monument development across South and Southeast Asia. From the early mud stupas of Kapilvastu to the sophisticated encased stupas of Bagan and the circumambulatory corridors found in India, Myanmar and Thailand, these architectural and epigraphic records underscore the integration of religious devotion with socio-political ideologies.
The practice of encasing and enlarging stupas, as seen in the actions of King Uzana in Myanmar and various Indian dynasties, reflects a broader trend where subsequent rulers sought to enhance and preserve earlier structures, aligning their contributions with both religious merit and political stature. Similarly, inscribed relic caskets and burial urns from sites such as Bhattiprolu, Sanchi, and Sri Kshetra provide valuable insights into the motivations behind these monumental acts. They reveal how the veneration of relics and the enshrinement of royal ashes served not only spiritual purposes but also reinforced the socio-political status of the donors.
The inclusion of circumambulatory corridors, as evidenced in the stupas of Bharhut, Dharmarajika, and Phra Pathom, illustrates how architectural modifications were employed to enhance the devotional experience and assert political legitimacy. These corridors facilitated both worship and observation of artistic embellishments, contributing to the stupa’s prominence and durability.
In summary, the study of these Buddhist monuments illustrates how religious practices were intertwined with socio-political objectives. The effort to enlarge these structures and inscribe the relic caskets and burial urns highlights a dynamic interplay between spiritual aspirations and the assertion of political power. This interplay not only reflects the enduring legacy of Buddhist art and architecture but also the ways in which it was employed to reinforce and perpetuate socio-political ideologies across centuries and regions.
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Introduction
Bagan was the heart of the largest Buddhist empire in the medieval world, serving as a centre of economic, socio-political, and cultural networks that actively exchanged ideas and goods with other regions. The Buddhist culture of Bagan was enriched by a synthesis of Pala Indian styles and local doctrines, fostering religious and royal interactions that were reflected in its extensive architecture, mural paintings, and epigraphic records. The construction of Buddhist monuments in Bagan facilitated exchanges between donors and the royal court, establishing Bagan as the capital of this empire from the 10th century CE, with its peak period occurring between the 11th and 13th centuries CE. During this time, Bagan became the primary focus of religious activity, with the tradition of merit-making playing a crucial role in its development. Many religious structures from this era still survive in Bagan today.
The socio-political ideology in Bagan was characterized by the integration of social and political life, with village life (the heart of Bagan) being centred around Buddhism and the support of the monastic community.
Stupas and temples manifested royalty and social hierarchy by demonstrating power through donatory activities. The kings who ruled during the Bagan period exemplified proper actions and morals, reinforcing the Buddha’s teachings through artistic works such as murals, glazed plaques, and terracotta plaques.
Numerous socio-political ideas are reflected in Buddhist monuments across India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar. At various Buddhist sites in India, such as Kapilvastu in Nepal, original mud Buddhist structures have been discovered. These structures were often enlarged and encased with bricks or stones by subsequent donors to ensure their longevity and durability, reflecting the socio-political ideas of the time. Inscribed reliquaries, such as those found at the Piprahwa and Bhattiprolu stupas, reveal insights into the relics of the Buddha. Similarly, reliquaries from Stupa 3 at Sanchi and Stupa 2 at Satdhara contain inscriptions regarding the relics of the Buddha’s chief disciples, Sariputta and Mahamoggallana.
Additional inscribed reliquaries discovered at Sanchi Stupa 2 and other Bhilsa Tope sites relate to a group of Hemavata teachers led by an individual named Gotiputa, providing valuable insights into religious and socio-political ideas.
An inscribed copper relic casket was discovered at Shahji-ki-Dheri, the site of an ancient Kanishka stupa in Peshawar, Pakistan, while inscribed stone burial urns and a gilded silver relic casket were found at Srikshetra, Myanmar. The ashes of heroic kings of Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar, buried in stupas, also contribute to understanding socio-political ideas. Additionally, some Buddhist monuments in India, Thailand, and Myanmar feature circumambulatory paths. These paths were designed not only for veneration and movement around the stupa but also for observing the sculptures and decorations as symbols of political stature, highlighting the importance of durability and grandeur in Buddhist structures. Epigraphic records from the Pinya period indicate that King Uzana enlarged and reinforced eight original small stupas built by primary donors, reflecting the overarching socio-political ideas of the time aimed at promoting the growth and development of Buddhism and its structures.
larger stupa, dedicated to the father of the Buddha, was constructed during the Northern Black Polished Ware (NBP) period in the 6th century BCE, while the smaller stupa, dedicated to Queen Maha Devi, the mother of the Buddha, was built later.
The centre of the larger stupa originally consisted of a mud structure. In the second phase of construction, this mud stupa was encased in tapered bricks (Rijal, 1979, pp 39-42). Archaeological evidence indicates that the inner stupa of the larger structure was initially made of mud and was later encased and enlarged with bricks. This process of encasement and enlargement by secondary donors aimed to strengthen and elaborate the original structure, reflecting socio-political ideas and ensuring its longevity for the development of Buddhism and Buddhist structures. Excavations at Dhamnihawa suggest that the inner mud structure may have been constructed during the lifetime of the Buddha.
In Vaishali, a Buddha’s relic stupa originally built by the Lichchhavis was encased and enlarged by later kings in successive periods. The original inner structure, which may date back to pre-Asokan times, was made of mud and was encased with bricks four times to strengthen and elaborate it. Most Buddhist stupas in India from the pre-Asokan period were constructed of mud, while those from the Mauryan period were made of both mud and brick (Mitra, 1971). Archaeological excavations reveal that the inner stupa at Sanchi was originally built of brick and was later encased and enlarged with stones during the Sunga period to enhance its durability. During the Mauryan period, inner stupas were often made of mud, which deteriorated easily, whereas later structures were primarily of brick. Concerned with the preservation of these original mud structures, subsequent donors encased and enlarged them with stones or bricks, often performing this process five or six times. These actions reflect the socio-political ideas influencing the growth and prosperity of Buddhism and its structures.
While the original Mauryan-period structures were simple in design, later constructions were more elaborately decorated (Mitra, 1971; ASI, 1996, pp 85-88).
Typically, the inner stupas are older and smaller, whereas the outer stupas are younger and larger in India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar. This pattern indicates that later donors were motivated to build more elaborate and larger structures than those created by the primary donors, driven by socio-political ideas. Encasement thus plays a crucial role in the development of stronger and larger Buddhist structures, contributing significantly to the socio-political context of the time.
Epigraphic records indicate that King Uzana, during the Pinya period, encased and enlarged eight stupas, including the Tamote Shwegugyi temple. The Shwezigon stupa stone inscription, dated 1325 CE and located in the ancient city of Makkhaya, Kyaukse region, records that King Uzana enlarged and encased a previous small stupa known as the Mahtaw stupa (Moe, 2008).
Similarly, the Nan Oo stupa stone inscription, dated 1329 CE, mentions that King Uzana also enlarged and encased a small stupa to make it larger, stronger, and more elaborate (Nan Oo stupa stone inscription, 2007).
According to the Mahtaw Zedi stone inscription, dated 1335 CE, King Uzana enlarged and encased the Mahtaw Zedi stupa, originally located to the south of Tapekon village in the ancient city of Myin Khone Taing, Kyaukse region, Myanmar. The enlarged stupa measured 28.80 metres in diameter (Nyein Maung, 1983, Vol 3, pp 351-352). The Thayegu Phaya stone inscription, dated 1336 CE, notes that a small ruined stupa was rebuilt and encased by King Uzana, resulting in a more elaborate and larger stupa with a diameter of 27.89 metres. This inscription was originally found at the Thayegugyi pagoda to the east of Kinton village, Myin Khone Taing region, Kyaukse District (Nyein Maung, 1983, Vol 1, p 357).
According to the King Uzana stone inscription dated 1340 CE, found between the farmyards of U Tha Paw and Daw Tin May in TadaU Township, Mandalay, Myanmar, King Uzana, a secondary donor, encased an inner stupa originally built by his son Saw Htwe. The original stupa measured 13.72 metres in diameter, and King Uzana enlarged and elaborated it to make it stronger (Nyein Maung, 1983, Vol 4, p 13). The Moathtaw Phaya stone inscription, inscribed by King Bodaw Phaya in 1785 CE (DHRNL, 2014, Vol 6, pp 35-38), describes a small Moathtaw stupa in the Makkhaya region that was encased and enlarged by King Uzana to a diameter of 48.00 metres in 1325 CE. Another Moathtaw Phaya stone inscription at Manpaw village in the ancient city of Myin Khone Taing, also inscribed by King Bodaw Phaya in 1785 CE (DHRNL, 2014, Vol 6, pp 94-96), mentions that a small Moathtaw stupa was encased and enlarged by King Uzana to a diameter of 28.80 metres in 1335 CE.
These stone inscriptions reveal that King Uzana encased and enlarged numerous inner stupas during his reign, contributing to the prosperity and development of Buddhism. The epigraphic records confirm how underlying socio-political ideas played a crucial role in the growth and durability of Buddhist structures, illustrating the significance of encasement concepts in Myanmar as evidenced by these inscriptions.
TO BE CONTINUED
Source- The Global New Light of Myanmar
THE United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) is scheduled to convene for a “Summit of the Future” in New York on 22-23 September 2024. The outcome of this meeting of world leaders will be the adoption of a “Pact for the Future”. During the past year, the details of the Pact have been discussed among the 193 UN member-states under the co-facilitation of Germany (representing the developed countries of the North) and Namibia (representing the developing countries of the South). The objective of the Pact is “to safeguard the future for present and coming generations”.
India’s approach towards the UN’s Summit of the Future was articulated by Indian External Affairs Minister Dr S Jaishankar in 2023. He emphasized the need to demonstrate “genuine solidarity” to generate “real trust” and integrate the “sentiment of the Global South” in preparing for the Summit. During the discussions in the UNGA in May 2024, India cautioned that if these essential elements were missing from the process, the Summit of the Future would become a “Summit of the Past”, condemning the United Nations “to a perilous vicious cycle of fading into irrelevance”.
The Global South consists of developing country member-states of the UNGA, many of them former colonies of European powers in 1945 who did not negotiate the UN Charter. Their membership in the United Nations began with the historic process of decolonization that began after India’s independence from British colonial rule in August 1947.
The Global South became a majority in the UNGA, propelled by the Decolonization Resolution of December 1960. The first visible expression of solidarity of the Global South in multilateralism was the successful adoption by a two-thirds majority vote of UNGA resolutions in December 1963 to amend the UN Charter. These amendments resulted in expanding the representation of the Global South in the UN Security Council (UNSC), which controls decisions on peace and security, and the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), which controls UNGA decision-making on socioeconomic issues.
Since 1960, the process of consolidation and prioritization of Global South priorities has been marked by several negotiating landmarks in multilateral institutions. This was due to the solidarity and sentiment of the Global South, based on trust in the effective and equitable functioning of the interlinked post-war multilateral system.
Among the Global South’s achievements have been the creation of the non-aligned movement in September 1961 which today brings together 120 member-states in the UNGA; the establishment of the Group of 77 (or G-77) in 1964 which today represents 134 out of 193 member-states in the UNGA; the creation of the UN Development Programme (UNDP) by the UNGA in 1965; the adoption of the G-77 Charter of Algiers in 1967 calling for a New International Economic Order; the Decision on Differential and More Preferable Treatment (also known as the Enabling Clause) for developing countries in the GATT (precursor of the World Trade Organization) in 1979; the UNGA Declaration on the Right to Development (DRTD) as an inalienable human right in 1986; and the Common but Differentiated Responsibility (CBDR) provision of international law, codified by the UN Conference on Environment and Development in 1992.
Through patient and forward-looking negotiations in the UNGA between 1960-2015, the Global South/G-77 has succeeded in bringing “development” into the mainstream of multilateralism. The unanimous adoption of Agenda 2030 by the UNGA in September 2015, with its 17 Sustainable Developmental Goals (SDGs), is an acknowledgement of this fact. Agenda 2030 converges the common interests of the Global North and Global South into an integrated human-centric framework in which peace, security, and development are interlinked. This is the sentiment that the Global South seeks to integrate into the vision of the Summit of the Future.
The UN’s SDG Summit in 2023, held to assess the implementation of Agenda 2030, warned that numerous crises since 2015 have been derailing this vision. Unless checked, these can have a deleterious impact on the Global South, particularly on the application of new digital technologies in a human-centric manner to accelerate the implementation of Agenda 2030. The Summit of the Future’s consideration of a Global Digital Compact requires special attention to the sentiments of the Global South in order to bridge existing digital divides enumerated during the UNGA review of the UN’s Tunis Agenda on an Information Society in December 2015.
The Global South’s focus during the Summit of the Future must be to seek effective multilateralism on the ground. A decision to convene a UN General Conference, as provided for in Article 109 of the UN Charter, to review the UN Charter in September 2025 would be an appropriate way to mark the 80th anniversary of multilateralism by integrating the aspirations of the Global South.
Myanmar has a rich cultural heritage, natural beauty, and diverse ethnic groups, and it offers a unique opportunity to develop an integrated travel and tourism approach that can benefit local communities and provide an enriching experience for local travellers and tourists. Integrated travel and tourism in Myanmar can be considered promoted through several vital aspects, and the following are some all-inclusive steps to approach these considerations;
1. Market Research and Analysis
- Identify Target Markets: Determine who the potential tourists are (domestic, regional, international) and what their preferences and needs are.
- Competitive Analysis: Study other countries with successful integrated tourism models to understand best practices and potential challenges.
- SWOT Analysis: Conduct a SWOT (Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats) analysis of Myanmar’s tourism sector.
2. Sustainable Tourism Development
- Environmental Conservation: Implement policies that protect natural resources and promote eco-friendly tourism. Encourage practices like waste management, conservation of wildlife, and protection of natural habitats.
- Cultural Heritage Preservation: Ensure that tourism activities do not harm historical sites and cultural landmarks. Work with local communities to maintain and showcase their traditions and customs.
- Community Involvement: Engage local communities in tourism planning and development to ensure their needs and perspectives are considered.
3. Infrastructure Development
- Transport: Improve accessibility to tourist destinations by enhancing roads, airports, and public transport systems. Consider developing sustainable transport options like electric buses or bikes.
- Accommodation and Facilities: Upgrade existing hotels, resorts, and other accommodation facilities to meet international standards. Promote the development of eco-lodges and community-based homestays.
4. Community Engagement
- Local Involvement: Engage local communities in tourism planning and decision-making processes. Provide training and capacity-building programmes to help them benefit economically from tourism.
- Empowerment: Encourage local entrepreneurship by supporting small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the tourism sector, such as local guides, artisans, and food vendors. 5. Combined Tourism Packages
- Thematic Tours: Develop themed travel packages (e.g., cultural tours, adventure tours, eco-tours) that integrate various attractions and activities.
- Multi-Destination Tours: Create tours that connect different regions and highlight the diversity of Myanmar, such as combining urban experiences with rural and natural attractions.
- Collaborative Partnerships: Work with local businesses, tour operators, and international agencies to create comprehensive packages that offer diverse experiences.
6. Marketing and Promotion
- Branding: Develop a strong brand identity for Myanmar as a unique and attractive travel destination. Highlight its diverse culture, rich history, and natural beauty.
- Digital Presence: Utilize social media, websites, and other digital platforms to promote tourism. Offer virtual tours and interactive experiences to attract international tourists.
- Trade Shows and Exhibitions: Participate in international travel and tourism fairs to promote Myanmar as a travel destination.
7. Partnerships and Collaboration
- Public-Private Partnerships: Foster collaborations between government bodies, the private sector, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to pool resources and expertise.
- International Cooperation: Work with international tourism organizations and neighbouring countries to create regional travel packages and joint promotional activities.
8. Policy and Regulation
- Regulatory Framework: Establish clear policies and regulations that govern tourism activities, ensuring they are sustainable and beneficial to local communities.
- Incentives: Provide incentives for businesses and investors who adopt sustainable practices and contribute to local development.
9. Education and Training
- Skill Development: Offer education and training programmes for individuals seeking careers in tourism and hospitality. Focus on areas like customer service, language skills, and sustainable tourism practices.
- Awareness Campaigns: Conduct awareness campaigns to educate tourists and locals about the importance of preserving the environment and respecting cultural heritage.
10. Monitoring and Evaluation
- Impact Assessment: Regularly assess the impact of tourism on the environment, economy, and local communities. Use these assessments to make informed decisions and adjustments.
- Feedback Mechanisms: Establish channels for tourists and locals to provide feedback on tourism services and experiences, using this feedback to improve offerings.
In addition, Myanmar can develop a robust travel and tourism sector that leverages its unique strengths and offers meaningful experiences for visitors. By focusing on the above-mentioned areas, Myanmar can develop and promote an integrated travel and tourism industry that is sustainable, inclusive, and beneficial to both visitors and local communities as well as for our country.
Source- The Global New Light of Myanmar