Choosing between a desktop computer and a laptop can be a challenging decision. Both options have their benefits and drawbacks, and the choice largely depends on an individual’s needs and preferences. Therefore, let us explore the differences between desktop computers and laptops in terms of cost, convenience, and style to help you make an informed decision. 

One of the primary factors to consider when choosing between a desktop and a laptop is the cost. Desktop computers are generally more affordable than laptops with similar specifications. This is because desktops do not need the same portability features as laptops. Manufacturers can focus on enhancing performance over compactness, which often results in a lower price for desktops with powerful hardware. Additionally, upgrading individual components, such as RAM or storage, is usually cheaper for desktops. This makes them more cost-effective in the long run.

 On the other hand, laptops, especially high-performance or ultra-portable models, often come with a higher price tag due to their compact, lightweight design. The portability of laptops also means that repairs and upgrades can be more expensive, as components are smaller and more specialized. Therefore, while desktops are initially more budget-friendly, laptops may offer added value through their flexibility and portability, depending on the user’s needs. 

Another important factor to consider is the convenience of use. Laptops are inherently more convenient than desktops due to their portability. Users can easily carry laptops between home, office, and even public spaces, allowing for flexibility in where and how they work or study. This mobility suits people who often travel or need to work in multiple locations. 

Desktops, on the other hand, are fixed in one place, making them ideal for those who do not require mobility and prefer a dedicated workspace. However, desktops offer other conveniences, such as larger screens, ergonomic setups, and the ability to connect multiple peripherals simultaneously. These factors can enhance productivity, especially for professionals requiring powerful hardware for graphic design or video editing tasks. In summary, while laptops offer portability and flexibility, desktops provide a more stable and customizable setup for specific tasks. 

In addition, there is the subject of style. When it comes to style, laptops, and desktops offer different aesthetics and appeal to different preferences. Laptops tend to have a sleek, modern look, with brands often focusing on slim designs, lightweight frames, and high-quality finishes to attract users who value style and portability. Many laptops come in various colours and finishes, allowing users to choose one that suits their personal tastes. 

Desktops, however, tend to be bulkier and less portable, with larger cases and multiple components. Despite this, desktops offer more customization options, such as LED lighting, transparent cases, and various add-ons that appeal to users who want a unique setup. In essence, laptops cater to those who prioritize minimalism and mobility, while desktops at tract users who prefer a customizable, robust setup that reflects their individuality. 

Apart from cost, convenience, and style, performance is another key aspect to consider. Generally, desktops have an edge over lap tops in terms of performance. This is because desktops can house larger and more powerful components, such as CPUs and GPUs, without the limitations of space and cooling that laptops face. For tasks that require high processing power, like gaming, video editing, or 3D rendering, desktops are usually the better choice.

 Laptops, while improving in performance, still cannot match the raw power of desktops. However, for everyday tasks like browsing, writing, or watching videos, modern laptops are more than sufficient. The trade-off in performance is often balanced by the benefits of portability and ease of use that laptops offer.

 What is more, the choice between a desktop computer and a laptop depends on various factors, including cost, convenience, style, and performance. Desktops are generally more affordable and offer better performance, especially for high-demand tasks, but they lack portability. Laptops, on the other hand, are portable and stylish, providing flexibility and convenience for users who need to work on the go. They are, however, more expensive and may not offer the same level of performance as desktops. 

Ultimately, the decision comes down to personal preference and specific needs. If you require a powerful machine for demanding tasks and do not need to move it frequently, a desktop might be the best choice. If you value portability and flexibility and are willing to invest a bit more, a laptop could be the ideal option. Both desktops and laptops have their unique advantages, and understanding these can help you make the best decision for your computing needs.

 In today’s world, portable devices have become more popular, changing how people work, study, and communicate. Both laptops and desktops can do similar tasks, but many people now prefer laptops because they are easy to carry and use in different places. This change in preference shows that people want devices that fit their busy, on-the-go lifestyles. Although desktops have some advantages, the popularity of laptops is mainly due to their portability, versatility, and ability to meet the needs of modern users. 

One main reason people choose laptops over desktops is portability. Laptops are lightweight and compact, allowing users to take them almost anywhere – to a café, library, or even on a trip. This flexibility is valuable for students, professionals, and freelancers who need to work in different places. Unlike desktops, which need a fixed setup with a monitor and other parts, laptops are made work well in various settings. For example, a student can carry a laptop from home to campus, accessing their work easily wherever they go. 

Another reason is that laptops can run on batteries, which makes them usable even without a power outlet nearby. Desktops need to stay plugged in to work, but laptops can last several hours on a single charge. This is very useful in places where power is not always available or where there are power outages. In areas with frequent power cuts, laptops allow students and workers to continue working without interruptions. In developing regions, laptops provide a way for people to stay connected and productive even when electricity is limited. 

Advances in technology have also made laptops more powerful and useful for different tasks. In the past, people thought desktops were better for demanding tasks like gaming or graphic design. However, many laptops today can handle these tasks well. With powerful processors, good graphics, and large storage, laptops are now capable of managing various professional tasks. Industries like graphic design and data analysis now often use laptops in their daily work. Gaming laptops, for example, show that laptops can meet high-performance needs that were once only possible with desktops. 

The space-saving design of laptops is another reason why people prefer them. Desktops need a large setup space and can create clutter with multiple parts, but laptops are compact and include everything in one unit. This makes them ideal for small apartments, dorm rooms, or shared offices. Laptops also have a sleek, modern look that many people find attractive. In homes with limited space, laptops offer a practical solution without taking up much room. 

While laptops have clear advantages, some people still prefer desktops for specific reasons. Desktops allow for greater customization, making it easy for users to upgrade parts like the processor, memory, or graphics card. This is especially useful for gamers, software developers, and others who need high performance and want to keep their computers up-to-date over time. Desktops also offer better cooling systems because they have more space for fans and airflow, which helps avoid overheating during heavy tasks like gaming or video editing. These qualities make desktops a strong choice for users who need high levels of performance. 

However, for the average user, the convenience and flexibility of laptops are more important than these extra features. Most people do not need such high levels of customization and cooling, especially with modern laptops becoming more powerful and capable of handling everyday tasks. As technology improves, laptops are closing the gap with desktops in terms of performance, making desktops less necessary even for some intensive tasks. 

Furthermore, the shift from desktops to laptops reflects the modern need for devices that are portable, flexible, and easy to use. Laptops provide these qualities, making them a good fit for both work and personal use. Desktops have their strengths, especially for users with specific needs, but laptops now meet the needs of most users better, making them the preferred choice. As technology advances, laptops will likely continue to improve, making desktops even less necessary for most people. 

The paragraphs above reflect the general perceptions people have about desktops and laptops. Now, I’d like to share my perspective and personal feelings. I am truly a “desktop enthusiast”. This admiration for desktops has been with me for a long time. However, my very first computer was just an old laptop. After using that laptop for about two years, I eventually managed to buy a desktop, and I loved it! 

But a few years ago, I had to let go of my reliance on my desktop. This was due to the limited electricity access in my area; we only had power for about two to four hours during the day. In that situation, using a desktop became impractical, so I switched to using a laptop instead: which lasted for about four years. Now, I can say that I’ve come to appreciate and even love my laptop. With that, I’ll end this long message.

Source : GNLM

MANLE Sayadaw (1842-1921) and Ledi Sayadaw (1 December 1846-27 June 1923) were contemporary Buddhist monk-scholars who made notable contributions to Buddhist doctrine in their discourses and writings which have enriched Myanmar literature.
In the 17 and 24 November 2024 issues of The Global New Light of Myanmar, I have translated and reproduced the original vernacular two poems (in a sense ‘doggerels’) written by the two revered monks. The poem by Manle Sayadaw deals with the disadvantages, indeed one could say negative consequences of drinking tea. On the other hand, Ledi Sayadaw listed the benefits of drinking tea and complimented the tea drinkers. The two poems appeared one after the other in the booklet Selected Burmese Poems for 1st and 2nd-year students at the University of Mandalay first published in October 1986.
It is presumable that the poem by Ledi Sayadaw praising the benefits of drinking tea was composed by him after he came across the elder (in age) Manle Sayadaw’s poem censuring tea drinkers. In the mid-18th to early 20th century when the two poems were supposedly composed there was no postal service, not to say radio or telegrams (perhaps). Facebook, Viber and WhatsApp were much more than a century away in the future. Hence it must have been several weeks or a few months before Ledi Sayadaw came across Manle Sayadaw’s poem listing the negative effects of tea drinking. Or — this is only a guess — were there literary symposia during the last two kings of Upper Burma? In the days of King Mindon (8 July 1808-1 October 1878, reigned 1853-78) and King Thibaw (1 January 1859-19 December 1916, reigned 1878-85) there could be literary symposia in court. The two Sayadaws must have been between the ages of 22 to 44 (Manle Sayadaw) and the ages of 18-39 (Ledi Sayadaw) during the reigns of Mindon and Thibaw. Did either of the two kings request the two revered monks to compose poems about the advantages and disadvantages of drinking tea? Perhaps or perhaps not.
One wonders what ‘triggered’ Manle Sayadaw to compose the ‘anti-tea-drinking poem’ or for that matter on the off-chance that it
was Ledi Sayadaw who first composed the ‘pro-tea-drinking’ poem what prompted Ledi Sayadaw to do so.
I am not aware whether there were — or not — other poems or indeed discourses by the two revered monks where they did not see eye to eye on things not only about tea drinking but also on other mundane as well as religious matters.
The rivalry between two Buddhist monks of the 15th to 16th centuries: Shin Maharatha Ratthasara and Shin Maha Silavamsa Two Buddhist monks contemporaneously flourished in the mid-15th to early-16th centuries. Their contributions to Myanmar literature are also very significant.
Indeed, it could be stated that they are landmarks in medieval Burmese literature. They were Shin (Shin is not a ‘first name’ as such but an honorific denoting, a learned monk) Maha (Maha is also an honorific generally meaning ‘great’) Ratthasara (1468-1529) (hereafter Ratthasara) and Shin Maha Silavamsa (1453-1518) (hereafter Silavamsa). Silavamsa is 15 years older than Ratthasara.
I have ‘wondered’ above whether Manle Sayadaw and Ledi Sayadaw were requested by the two last Burmese kings to compose on the topic of drinking tea.
But over three centuries earlier in the palace of the then Innwa (Ava) kings there were literary symposiums where the two monks Silavamsa and Ratthasara were (shall we say) enjoined to compose poems, prose and other literary genres before a live audience. Myanmar language and literature scholars throughout the centuries have debated and expressed their views on the comparative literary contributions, styles and merits of the two medieval monks.
Scholars have stated their views as to whose literary work Silavamsa or Ratthasara were ‘better’ or ‘superior’. One epigram whose origin this writer does not know states to the effect that Silavamsa’s literary achievements were like diamonds cutting not merely through baskets (Taung Go Ma Phaut) but through the mountains (Taun Go Phaut Thi).
Hence Silavamsa’s literary products were like diamonds (Sain Kyaut A-thwin Thila Win). In comparison or indeed in contrast Ratthathara’s literary prose and poetry are merely thorn-like tools which pierced baskets but not mountains (Taun Go Ma Phaut Taung Go Phaut Thi Hsu Hsauk Pamar Ratta Tha).
From the above statement, it is clear that the writer(s) of the epigram were of the view that Silavamsa was the ‘superior’ literati.
Was Silavamsa superior in all or most of his literary products compared to Ratthasara? In his most recent book titled (in translation) Myanmar Language: References to Sixty Treatises (published November 2024) Saya Maung Khin Min (Danubyu) (born 2 January1942) quoted Bagan Wun Htauk U Tin (1861-1933) who himself referred to Kinwun Mingyi U Kaung (3 February 1822-30 June 1908).
Kinwun Mingyi stated that Silavamsa’s poetry is good in meaning and is inspiring. Kinwun Mingyi stated though that as to rhyme
and cadence Ratthasara was the superior writer (on page 23 of Maung Khin Min’s book). Almost certainly there could be a comparative commentary on the literary contributions of the two scholar monks of the mid19th to early 20th century (Manle Sayadaw and Ledi Sayadaw) as there were perhaps more extensive analyses and commentaries of the two monk-poet-literati of the mid-15th to early 16th century.
Are there any Master’s or doctoral theses in the Myanmar language in the various Departments of Myanmar comparing the literary contributions of Manle Sayadaw and Ledi Sayadaw? If there are any books or treatises comparing the literary flair, styles and contributions of Manle Sayadaw and Ledi Sayadaw in both Myanmar and even in the English language yours truly would appreciate learning from them.

Source- The Global New Light of Myanmar

WHEN I came out of the lift, I found myself on the bridge-like roofed passageway which connected the lift shaft with the pagoda platform. From the passageway, I got a bird’s eye view of the sprawling Yangon City. I espied in the distance some skyscrapers rising starkly into the sky and a medley of red roofs of the houses hidden amongst the greens of the trees.
The entire landscape was bathing dreamily in the golden rays of the rising sun. Our team headed slowly towards the pagoda glistening in the glow of the morning sun. It was a day to be remembered by our family members, for it was the 79th birthday of our beloved mother. We were now on the platform of the Shwedagon Pagoda to celebrate her birthday.
As it was a weekday, there were only a few pilgrims on the pagoda platform. I saw a couple of lovers paying homage to the pagoda, sitting on the victorious ground (atmifajr). Buddhists believe that the victorious ground can bring the fulfilment of our wishes. With this thought in our minds, we also sat down on this sacred ground and paid homage to the pagoda wishing that our mother would enjoy good health, happiness and longevity. Then, leaving behind my mother and sisters who were telling beads in the victorious ground, I walked clockwise round the base of the pagoda. I found shrine rooms housing the Kakusandha Buddha, the Konagamana Buddha, the Kassapa Buddha and the Gotama Buddha at the four cardinal points of the pagoda and some rest houses and pavilions surmounted by a multi-tiered roof round the pagoda platform.
Inside these buildings were some devotees meditating, reciting discourses (Sutta) and doing other religious services. While walking, I had a chance to observe the Shwedagon Pagoda at a close range. I was filled with awe and wonderment at the great height of the pagoda and its excellently artistic works. Its body coated in gold plates was erected on three receding terraces. Its part above the bell-shaped dome was decorated with projected bands, upturned and downturned lotus flowers, banana buds, etc. and tapered towards the spire crowded with a gem-studded sacred umbrella. Its base was encircled by 64 small stupas. Some devotees were pouring water over small seated Buddha images next to the planetary posts near the base of the pagoda. The building on the platform which attracted my attention most was the Rakhine Prayer Hall, a pavilion with a multi-tiered roof. It lies between the southern and western covered stairways.
It was built entirely of wood and richly decorated with elaborate and exquisite floral designs. It is said that it was donated by two Rakhine brokers in 1910. I saw the Buddha Museum next to the entrance to the western-covered stairway. Out of curiosity, I entered it and found the walls and the ceiling depicting some episodes of the Ten Major Jataka Stories. Moreover, many antique Buddhist artefacts like Buddha images, miniature stupas etc made of gold and silver were put on display in the showcases.
Then I weaved my way through the buildings on the platform and noticed some Buddha images and small pagodas standing in the yards behind the rest houses and Tazaungs. Among them were the Shin Saw Pu Buddha images, the Naungdawgyi Pagoda and the Shinmahtee Buddha Image. I also noticed some Nat shrines under the Banyan trees growing at the edges of the top of the pagoda hill. It is thought that the Shin Saw Pu Buddha Image was built by Queen Shin Saw Pu while she was living a peaceful life in a make-shift palace not far from the Shwedagon Pagoda after she had handed over her Hamsavati throne to King Dhammaceti, her son-in-law. Legend has it that the Shinmahtee Buddha Image was built by a monk named ‘Shinmahtee’, who was an alchemist, about 1,000 years ago. The Naungdawgyi Pagoda was built by King Naungdawgyi, a son of King Alaungphaya, during the 18th century AD.
I got into a Tazaung in the northeast corner of the precincts. I found there the historic King Thayawady Bell which was decorated with four-lion figures. It was donated by King Thayawady and it weighs 25,940 visses and 49 ticals or 42 tonnes. It was cast in the year 1204 of the Myanmar Era. Its official name is Mahatisadhaghanta. It measures nine cubits in height, five cubits in diameter at the mouth and 15 cubits in circumference. It contains one hundred lines. This bell inscription is about the eulogy on nine attributes of Lord Buddha, benefits of the life of the monks, birth stories of the Buddha, his donations made at the Shwedagon Pagoda, his aspirations to the Bodhisatta etc.
A little down from the platform, there was a shed in which a three-stone inscription was erected near the entrance to the eastern covered stairway. It was the Shwedagon Stone Inscription inscribed by King Dhammaceti in 1485. It is about the history of the Shwedagon Pagoda: the two merchants brothers Tapussa and Ballikha crossed the ocean, came upon the newly-enlightened Buddha in Majjhimadesa and got eight hair relics. On their return to their native Okkalapa, King Okkala and his mother Meihlamu
had the Shwedagon Pagoda built, enshrining these eight hair relics in the relic chamber.
Then, I walked back to the zayat near the victorious ground where my mother and elder sister were waiting for me. We left pagoda at 11 am. On the way back, we stopped over at a restaurant to celebrate our mother’s birthday. We had lunch merrily there. Then, we returned home straight. To conclude, it was worthwhile to visit the Shwedagon Pagoda. We enjoyed a good time on our mother’s auspicious birthday. Moreover, we could earn the merits and also get historical and archaeological knowledge.

Source- The Global New Light of Myanmar

The national-level sporting event was grandly and ceremoniously held at the national stadium on 9 December, where athletes from different regions of the country are currently participating in various sports competitions. In preparation for the games, athletes from each region have been actively training and preparing in their respective sports. The relevant state and regional governments have been providing systematic support, and organizing necessary facilities and resources.
The opening ceremony was will be held with grandeur at the national level, and athletes, sports organizations, coaches, and experts have been diligently working to ensure the event’s success. The national government has placed great importance on the development of the sports sector, which is evident from the extensive coverage in newspapers, sports programmes, and broadcasts, all showing the government’s commitment to enhancing sports in the country.
The national sports competitions were first held in 1992 in Yangon, and the second event was held in 1994, followed by the third event in 1997, also in Yangon. The fourth national sports competition was held in 2015 in the capital, Nay Pyi Taw. This year, in December 2024, the fifth national-level sporting event is being held again in Nay Pyi Taw, with athletes from various regions and states, as well as representatives from government ministries and departments, participating in the event.
The country’s administrative council has emphasized the importance of promoting the health and well-being of all citizens through sports. To achieve this, the government has been actively encouraging the participation of all people in sports, and there are various sports events organized throughout the country in line with the seasons. Additionally, government ministries, departments, universities, and schools regularly organize sports competitions to promote physical fitness and community engagement.
The national sports competition is not just a simple sporting event, but a highly significant national-level event. It is organized with high quality, systematically, and professionally, ensuring that the athletes’ participation is not only about sportsmanship but also about fulfilling their national duty. These competitions inspire love for the country, patriotism, and unity, fostering a sense of togetherness and collaboration. The sports events contribute to peace and harmony, providing an opportunity for citizens to come together for a common cause, and creating an environment where mutual respect and cooperation thrive, leading to a peaceful and prosperous nation.
In the past, Myanmar’s sports world was recognized across Southeast Asia and the wider Asian region for its remarkable achievements in various sports events. Myanmar’s involvement in the Asian Games and other regional sports competitions led to the country gaining recognition and prestige. Athletes from Myanmar proudly represented their nation, carrying the national flag with honour, and participating in competitions where they showcased great skill and determination. Myanmar’s athletes have earned significant respect for their hard work and achievements, and their dedication is widely remembered. Even as they faced challenges, their efforts in representing Myanmar in international sports competitions have made a lasting impact.
Renowned athletes from Myanmar and ethnic nationalities have excelled on the international stage, particularly in Southeast Asia (SEA Games) and Asian sports competitions, earning prestigious awards and recognition.
Notable names include Mi Tone Naw, Shin Bway Ghan, Gracikar, Khin Khin Htwe, Ma Khin Pu, May Thu, Jennifer Tin Lay, and Khin Than Nwe, known for their achievements in athletics. Bo Aye Ko, a celebrated champion, and swimmer Tin Maung Ni, a medallist in swimming. Than Than Swe, a sharpshooter, and Mya Aye, an expert in bar sports. Football champions such as Bogyi Ba Hadu, Ko Ko Gyi, Hla Kyi, Ba Pu, and Khin Maung Tun. (Many notable names of our athletes are still left.) These athletes, along with many other exceptional sportsmen and sportswomen, have brought pride to Myanmar and showcased the high caliber of Myanmar’s talent in Southeast Asia and Asian sports arenas.
As I was drafting this piece, I came across the news that Ye Htun Naing, representing Myanmar at the 15th World Bodybuilding and Fitness Championship held in the Maldives, achieved an extraordinary feat. Competing in the 75-kilogramme men’s bodybuilding category, he outperformed numerous international competitors to claim the first prize and the world champion title. This remarkable achievement filled me with immense pride and joy. I extend my heartfelt congratulations to Ye Htun Naing.
The State Administration Council Government has continued Myanmar’s tradition of honouring athletes who excel at international competitions by awarding medals of gold, silver, and bronze. Similarly, under previous governments, Myanmar athletes who achieved distinction in international competitions, including the Asian Games and Southeast Asian (SEA) Games, were recognized and celebrated at the national level for their remarkable contributions. These commendations highlight Myanmar’s ongoing commitment to honouring its outstanding athletes, past and present, who have brought glory to the nation through their skill and dedication.
The National-Level Sports Festival, marking its Fifth edition, are currently being held from 9 to 20 December 2024. This grand event brought together ethnic brothers and sisters from various regions and states across the country. Participants gathered in an atmosphere of camaraderie, mutual respect, and warm friendships. With a strong spirit of sportsmanship, the festival is showcasing the skills and abilities of athletes in a wide array of competitive sports, aiming to foster unity and excellence.
The development of sports is a reflection of a nation’s progress and the collective spirit of its people. It not only highlights the ability to excel but also fosters the growth of human resources, contributing to the comprehensive development of a country. Moreover, promoting sports serves to elevate the prestige of the nation and its people on both regional and global stages.
Sports also play a vital role in cultivating patriotism and strengthening national unity. By instilling these values, it contributes to the growth of a strong national spirit. Therefore, the advancement of sports should be prioritized alongside education to shape well-rounded individuals.
From an early age, students must be encouraged to engage actively not only in academics but also in sports. Parents and teachers have a crucial role to play in nurturing this balance, ensuring that young people develop the discipline, teamwork, and resilience that sports can provide. The Fifth National Sports Festival is now underway with great anticipation and success. To ensure active participation and outstanding achievements, athletes from various states and regions across the country are diligently participating in the competition.
As the festival is ongoing, athletes are competing and, showcasing their skills and determination. The grand opening ceremony, planned to be held with national-level prestige and grandeur, marked a significant milestone in Myanmar’s sports history. Organizing committees and various teams are currently working tirelessly, making all necessary arrangements to ensure the event’s smooth execution and ultimate success.
The opening and closing ceremonies of the inaugural National Sports Festival are well-planned with national-level grandeur and splendour. Students, performers, and officials from various departments participated and contributed to these events to ensure a flawless presentation. Similarly, preparations were also made for the hoisting of the national flag, as well as the flags of states and regions, which will take place at the Wunna Theikdi Sports Complex, the primary venue for the event.
Adding a spectacular touch to the opening ceremony, a team responsible for aerial displays used helicopters to deliver the flags into the stadium from the sky. This team also conducted rigorous training sessions to execute the task with precision and excellence.
The successful conclusion of the inaugural National Sports Festival, organized with national-level prestige, promises to leave a lasting legacy. State and regional departments that participated actively, alongside their athletes who achieved remarkable success, have yet to honour these achievements. This includes awarding recognition and opportunities for further development, supporting outstanding athletes, and fostering their continued progress in the sports arena.
This event serves as a stepping stone for athletes who will represent Myanmar in the upcoming 33rd Southeast Asian Games in 2025 and other international competitions. It also provides an excellent platform for identifying and nurturing new generations of athletes from various states and regions, creating pathways for them to thrive on the global stage.
The festival, held at the Wunna Theikdi Sports Complex, showcased a vibrant celebration of sportsmanship, including grand opening and closing ceremonies. Athletes, students, artists, and officials have worked diligently to ensure its success, rehearsing tirelessly to deliver flawless performances. Highlights such as aerial displays with flags hoisted by helicopters added a touch of splendour to the ceremonies.
For sports-loving citizens of Myanmar, this festival is a source of immense pride and excitement. Spectators eagerly anticipate the opportunity to cheer on their favourite athletes and celebrate Myanmar’s sports culture and national unity. The festival stands as a beacon of progress, not only for sports but also for fostering national pride and solidarity.
Through meticulous planning and collective effort, the National Sports Festival promises to be a historic milestone, inspiring generations to pursue excellence and uphold the nation’s honour in the world of sports.

Source- The Global New Light of Myanmar

Importance of Bay of Bengal
The Bay of Bengal is the largest bay in the world, surrounded by the countries of Myanmar, Bangladesh, India, and Sri Lanka, and divided by the chain of islands of Andaman and Nicobar in the east. The Bay of Bengal covers about 2.2 million km², where around one-fourth of the world’s population resides, and one-fourth of global marine trade flows, amounting to over 3 trillion USD in the total GDP of the regional countries. This makes the area a critical passage for important energy lifelines. The Bay of Bengal is an area rich in natural resources and highly suitable for a Blue Economy. It serves as a connecting hinge between the Indian and Pacific Oceans and holds strategic importance within the Indian Ocean Region. Approximately 6 million tons of fish and 50 trillion cubic feet of hydrocarbons could be harvested annually. It is also home to a diverse range of fish species, coral reefs, rivers, and biodiversity, making it a Large Marine Ecosystem (LME) region, ranked 64th in the world. Important ports in the region include Colombo, Chennai, Kolkata, Visakhapatnam, Chittagong, Mongla, and Yangon, making it a crucial area for food and energy security.
India is a leading power in the Indian Ocean and Bay of Bengal, aligned with its Neighborhood First Policy, Act East Policy, and the Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) initiative. This is evident through its proactive and assertive maritime strategies in the Bay of Bengal. The Kaladan project and Sittwe port are strategically important for India, as they would provide a maritime route connecting India’s landlocked Northeast with Southeast Asia. The strategic importance of this region is also critical for China, with the Kyauk Phyu Port and fuel pipeline project being key to its fuel imports. Large oil tankers from the Middle East pass through the Bay of Bengal daily to meet China’s energy needs. As of today, a total of 316 crude oil tankers have entered the Kyauk Phyu and Ma-De Deep Sea Port in Rakhine State.
Bangladesh is primarily focused on the sustainable exploitation of the Bay of Bengal to serve its national interests and social development through the Blue Economy. As a result, the Bay of Bengal is now referred to as the "Collective Destiny" of the region. The interactions within the bay are shaped not only by geographical conditions, religion, trade, and commerce, but also by the natural forces that offer opportunities to overcome evolving challenges and emerging threats. These interactions emphasize the strength of unity and mutual understanding among the nations in the region.
The regional countries in the Bay of Bengal are experiencing high growth rates and play a critical role between emerging India and rising China. India, in particular, is implementing a maritime strategy that positions it as a security provider for regional stability, especially in the context of evolving threats to human security. The Bay of Bengal is of significant importance to India, Bangladesh, and Myanmar due to its strategic sea lanes, natural resources, energy sector, and oil and fuel exploitation. This region also sees a mix of conflict, competition, and cooperation under political, military, and economic strategies, particularly around the unresolved grey areas at the tri-junction of Myanmar, Bangladesh, and India. 

Myanmar Waters in the Bay of Bengal
Myanmar is a country with a vast coastline, facing the Andaman Sea to the south and the northeastern part of the Bay of Bengal. The Indo-China Peninsula is divided into two by Myanmar's geographical position. To the east lies the Pacific Ocean and the ASEAN countries, while to the west is the Indian Ocean, including South Asia, effectively dividing the two major oceans and regions. Alternatively, Myanmar can be seen as a land bridge connecting these two oceans and regions. Kyauk Phyu port, Dawei port, and Thilawa Deep Sea Port, located along a coastline of 1,260 nautical miles and covering waters spanning 144,912 square miles, form the rim of the Indian Ocean. These ports are geographically significant and hold great potential as transit hubs for the development of regional trade.

Moreover, Myanmar has met several key requirements to become a major player in maritime trade in the region. For example, it has a long coastline with important ports, which could be linked to China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road plans, positioning them as regional business hubs. Kyauk Phyu Port is the most strategically located port within the Bay of Bengal, among Myanmar’s natural ports, and is the closest to China’s Yunnan province. Myanmar is connected to the Andaman Sea and the Bay of Bengal by three main navigational channels: the Preparis Channel, the Ten Degree Channel (between the Andaman and Nicobar Islands), and the Great Channel (between Great Nicobar and Sumatra Islands). As a result, Myanmar’s deep-sea ports and port cities are well-positioned to facilitate maritime traffic, with vessels passing through the Indian Ocean to Myanmar via either the Arabian Sea–Sri Lanka waterway or the Malacca Strait. 

Establishment of BIMSTEC...
In 1997, Bangladesh India Sri Lanka Thailand Economic Cooperation - BIST-EC was established by the Bangkok Declaration. After Myanmar became a member at the special ministerial meeting held in 1997, the name was changed to Bangladesh-India-Myanmar-Sri Lanka-Thailand Economic Cooperation (BIMST-EC). Then, Bhutan and Nepal became members at the 6th BIMSTEC Foreign Ministerial meeting held in 2004 and the name of organization was changed to the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) at the first summit of BIMSTEC.

The BIMSTEC Charter has been endorsed and approved by the heads of member countries, and BIMSTEC is an organization with legal personality, operating based on established rules and regulations. Cooperation within BIMSTEC is grounded in the principles of sovereign equality, territorial integrity, political independence, non-interference in internal affairs, non-aggression, peaceful coexistence, mutual respect, and mutual benefit. It is also stipulated that all decisions within BIMSTEC shall be made by consensus. The BIMSTEC chairmanship rotates among member countries, and Myanmar has held the position of chair twice, with Thailand currently in charge.

BIMSTEC marked its 27th anniversary on June 6, 2024 and the leaders of all BIMSTEC member States sent congratulatory messages and Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the Chairman of State Administration Council, mentioned in his excellency’s message as “I would also like to take this opportunity to congratulate all Member States for the collective efforts exerted under the BIMSTEC framework in addressing various challenges. I believe that our solidarity and systematic cooperation, guided by the BIMSTEC Charter. I wish BIMSTEC to be a stronger and more effective organization and to have every success in future endeavors of promoting the socioeconomic livelihoods of the peoples in the Bay of Bengal Region.” And he spotlighted the importance of BIMSTEC in the region. 

The 4th BIMSTEC National Security Chiefs’ Meeting Towards Enhancing Regional Cooperation
Myanmar successfully hosted the 4th BIMSTEC National Security Chiefs' Meeting from July 24 to 26, 2024. National security chiefs from member countries participated in the meeting, where they had constructive discussions on several key issues: combating drug-related challenges; maritime security and cybersecurity threats; improving information sharing across relevant security sectors; the current security situation in the region; preparing for potential security challenges; and identifying effective methods for addressing these issues. 

Successfully hosting the event not only strengthens the legitimacy of the State Administration Council government but also enhances cooperation with regional countries in the political, economic, and security sectors. The meeting also provided an opportunity to discuss approaches for jointly combating armed conflicts and drug smuggling in the border areas. Representatives from Thailand, Bangladesh, and India, who are indeed the neighboring countries of Myanmar, participated in the discussions.

The entire BIMSTEC region has a population of 1.8 billion and it has been accounted for 22 percent of the world's population. The combined GDP of the BIMSTEC countries is over 3.6 trillion USD. Although BIMSTEC is different from other organizations as it was established by countries with different culture, language and lifestyle, all member countries are actively participating in economic, social science and technology sectors for their mutual benefits as the saying goes, “Unity is Strength”. BIMSTEC member countries include countries that are members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as well as countries that are members of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). And therefore, BIMSTEC can also be assumed as a connecting bridge of the two major associations in the region.

Maritime Security Sector of BIMSTEC
At the BIMSTEC 4th Summit in 2018, Indian Prime Minister Modi highlighted the importance of the maritime sector for socio-economic development and the future food security of the region and the importance of the Bay of Bengal as “our region's geographic location links global maritime trade routes and the Blue Economy is of particular importance to all of our economies.” Therefore, according to the importance of the role of maritime security in the Bay of Bengal, the role of the National Security Chiefs has included the maritime security sector and discussed and addressed it extensively.
As the Bay of Bengal is directly adjacent to the five BIMSTEC member countries and provides access to the two remaining landlocked countries, Bhutan and Nepal, it offers opportunities to connect and create multi-sectoral cooperation across the entire Indian Ocean region, positioning the Bay of Bengal as the "Heart of BIMSTEC." While the Bay of Bengal has many opportunities for socio-economic development for BIMSTEC member countries, many conventional and non-conventional threats in there are also needed to be faced and overcame together. Port and trade routes security, fisheries protection and natural disaster management processes are included in coping with that. Efforts are being made to promote the maritime security sector, which is directly or indirectly supporting all seven areas of cooperation within the BIMSTEC organization, beyond normal security measures and into proactive cooperation activities that include diplomacy.

BIMSTEC is indeed elevating trade, investment and connectivity among member countries which leads to promoting regional economic development. In doing so, the Maritime Transport Agreement (MTA) would be able to sign at the BIMSTEC summit to be held in the near future and there would be good opportunities for mutual trade between the ports of member countries, and the flow of goods in the region would be rapidly improved by this agreement. Maritime trade among the member countries of the region, as well as opportunities to trade goods through Myanmar to the ASEAN countries and Asian countries, would also be flourished by centrally passing through the Bay of Bengal. Along with the development of maritime trade routes, the roles of navies in each respective country for maritime security would also become more important. Today, Myanmar Navy together with the navies of BIMSTEC countries are actively cooperating in Navy To Navy Staff Talks, CORPAT, Maritime Security Conclave, Maritime Security Exercise and other maritime security issues in the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea within the Indian Ocean. 

BIMSTEC Towards Myanmar’s National Maritime Interests
Myanmar has a great and solid basic for economic development through maritime trade as if the abundance of its natural resources, a reasonable population ratio, a long coastline and good ports can be used effectively. There are many fish resources, natural gas resources, also numerous highly valuable mineral resources beneath the shallow seabed of Myanmar together with great opportunities like presence of good ports like Kyauk Phyu and Dawei Deep Sea Port and being close to the world's trade routes. Moreover, there are very beautiful and attractive islands, underwater coral reefs, and many scuba diving sites with amazing underwater scenery for maritime or nautical tourism, so-called “smokeless industry”. Although the sea provides opportunities and interests for the respective countries, the waterways can become vulnerable entrances that can be easily penetrated by force in the absence of properly established defense measures for maritime security. 

As everything that happens in the Bay of Bengal impacts Myanmar’s seas, it is closely related to the strategic importance of the Bay of Bengal. Therefore, it is crucial to seize the opportunity provided by the geographical advantage of being adjacent to both the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea, which connect Asia and South Asia. Additionally, Myanmar serves as a land bridge, acting as an intermediary between ASEAN and BIMSTEC countries. To further develop the maritime trade sector, regional maritime networks must be connected, enabling communication between the ports of regional countries. This can be achieved by upgrading key port cities such as Sittwe and Kyauk Phyu on the Rakhine coast, Pathein and Yangon in the Delta region, and Mawlamyine, Dawei, Myeik, and Kawthaung on the Tanintharyi coast. Such development will reduce dependence on border trade, which is currently limited by security restrictions.
Today, eastern coast ports of India such as Visakhapatnam, Kolkata and Chennai ports; Chittagong port of Bangladesh; Hanbantota port of Sri Lanka; Yangon, Pathein and Sittwe ports of Myanmar could be connected as a route for coastal shipping sector which all countries are the members of BIMSTEC in the Bay of Bengal. Although international maritime trades are conducted under the regulations of International Maritime Organization (IMO), Coastal Shipping Agreement is much simpler than the process of IMO which can be negotiated by bilateral consensus and new coastal maritime trade routes will be implemented quickly and simply. Therefore, a wish for Myanmar Navy, Myanmar Coast Guard and Maritime Police to actively involve in the maritime security sector while safeguarding maritime interests of the Bay of Bengal, which is connected to the Myanmar Sea together with the cooperation of BIMSTEC and to contribute to Myanmar’s national maritime interests by a guarantee for a safe and secure maritime domain…..

What is Public- Private Partnership?

          Public-Private Partnership is a contractual agreement between a public agency and a private sector entity. With Public-Private Partnership, the public agency and the private sector entity share assets, skills, risks and rewards and set up one project. Public- Private Partnerships combine the public sector capital and private sector capital to improve public services or the management of public sector assets. Public-Private Partnership contributes more advantages to the government than privatization form due to the fact that PPPs emphasizes the role of the government whereas in privatization form, the whole business needs to be transferred to the private sector. 

Why developing countries need Public-Private Partnership?

Developing countries usually have a budget deficit based upon low tax base, weak tax administration, and poor business environment. With budget deficit shown, adopting PPPs enables the government to be able to afford to deliver good public services. PPPs are being widely used among governments when it comes to procurement processes when public funding is inadequate. PPPs is also a reliable form of investment from the perspective of private investors as it guarantees the long-term delivery of public services. 

The origin of Public-Private Partnership in world countries

          The history of Public-Private Partnership dated back to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when countries focused on developing public infrastructure in the form of joint financing and operation of infrastructure.  In Britain and the United States around eighteenth centuries, over 2500 companies were chartered and incorporated to develop private turnpikes. In France, around the seventeenth century, the government used concessions to finance its infrastructure development, which means its private enterprises and banks are granted to design, construct, finance and operate infrastructures such as railways, roads, electricity and tramways. In the later decades, PPPs are commonly used by most countries as it proves easy procurement and construction method and financing model.

Common types of PPPs

Basic PPPs contract types vary in terms of levels of responsibility and risk to be taken by the private operator so that different countries adopt a particular PPP contract type that meet the local requirements on a country-to country basis. According to Asian Development Bank (ADB), PPPs are commonly used in most countries as follows- 

1. Service Contract

2. Management Contract

3. Lease Contract

4. Concession

5. Build- Operate- Transfer (BOT)

6. Joint Venture

7. Service Contract: This is a model which the government partners with a private entity to perform one or more services for 1 to 3 year limited period. In this model, the government funds capital investment and a private partner performs the service at the agreed cost and in line with the performance standards set by the public sector. The public authority takes operation and management responsibility and commercial risk whereas the risk taken by the private entity is minimal. 

8. Management Contract: In management contract, daily operation and management responsibility is assumed by the private entity with its own working capital whereas the public authority finances capital investment with asset ownership. The contract generally lasts for 2 to 5 years. 

(3) Lease Contract:   In lease contract, the initial establishment of the system is financed by the public authority and contracted to a private company for operation and maintenance. The contract usually lasts for 10 to 15 years. The private sector has to take responsibility for service provision and financial risk for operation. 

(4) Concession: In concession model, the private sector needs to provide all capital investment (assets) and these assets belong to both the public authority and a private company. In this model, the public authority just needs to take the role of regulating the price and quality of service while the private partner takes full responsibility for funding, management, operation and maintenance. 

(5) Build Operate Transfer (BOT):  There may be various forms of BOT-type contracts such as Build-Operate Transfer, Build-Own-Operate, Design-Bid-Build, Design-Build and Design-Build-Finance-Operate.         

(6) Joint Venture: Joint Venture is a model in which the infrastructure is co-owned and operated by the public sector and private partner. In this model, both the public sector and private partner are shareholders so that both parties have to invest in the project and share risks. 

How did PPPs evolve in Myanmar?

          From 1962 to 1988, Myanmar practiced the "Burmese Way to Socialism" under the leadership of the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) as a one-party system and in economy, it practiced centrally planned economy. In 1988, after the Burmese Way to Socialism, in the aftermath of tremendous uprising due to the inflation and demonetization of Myanmar kyats, the State Law and Order Restoration Council took office for the period of 1988-1997. In 1997, the State Law and Order Restoration Council was reformed as State Peace and Development Council from the period of 1997 until 2011. In 1997, State Peace and Development Council announced the transition into a market-oriented economy. With this transition, the government started to pave the way for Public- Private Partnerships and privatization. In 1997, PPPs started in Myanmar to fulfill the infrastructure needs of the country. However, the projects during those days were based upon unsolicited proposal (a proposal made by a private party to undertake a PPP project, submitted at the initiative of the private party, rather than in response to a request from the relevant government agency) under Build-Operate-Transfer form. In 2011, President U Thein Sein government took the state of duties and some reforms were made significantly. In October 2011, 11 private banks were allowed to trade foreign currency. In November 2012, the new Foreign Investment Law (2012) was enacted and special economic zones started in Thilawa and Dhawei. In 2016 and 2017, Myanmar Investment Law (2016) and Myanmar Companies Law (2017) were enacted. In April 2015, to improve the reliability and stability of Myanmar’s power supply and to prevent the power shortage problem, Myingyan Natural Gas Power Project was initiated. This is the first PPP project that was adopted through solicited proposal (solicited bid received from private parties via a competitive tender process for PPP Projects under the purview of an Implementing Government Agency) between Singapore-based Sembcorp Utilities and Ministry of Electricity and Energy. This project is located in Myingyan Township of Mandalay Region and this project was governed by a 22-year Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) agreement and a Power Purchase Agreement (PPA).

          When PPPs are widely used in Myanmar, the government has started using Swiss challenge (a public procurement process designed to encourage private sector initiatives to engage in PPP Projects. Under the Swiss Challenge tender process, if a relevant government agency wishes to proceed with a project that was received as an unsolicited proposal, the agency is required to publish a bid and invite third parties to exceed it) to welcome private sector involvement in the tender processes recently. With regard to Public Private Partnership implementation, the Project Bank Notification was one of the greatest achievements. It was issued on 30th November 2018 by Office of the President after Public Private Partnership Center was established through Notification No. (24 /2021) of Union Minister’s Office of the Ministry of Planning and Finance.  

Public-Private Partnership in Myanmar

          Myanmar government budget is shown as deficit as the country is one of the countries with the lowest tax-to- GDP ratio. As Myanmar's tax to GDP ratio is very low, the government cannot afford to make sufficient investment in infrastructure. Although Myanmar, being a recipient of  Official Development Assistance (ODA), a kind of aid given by developed countries to assist the development of developing countries, the fund from public capital and ODA is insufficient to meet the infrastructure gap. In Myanmar, PPPs has been practiced in the form of Build Operate and Transfer mostly in road, power sectors and some projects in hotels. Some forms of PPPs in Myanmar are categorized as Greenfield projects (any investment in a structure or an area where no previous facilities exist and without constraints imposed by prior works), Brownfield projects (any investment that uses previously constructed facilities that were once in use for other purposes), Production Sharing Contracts and Joint Venture Agreements between ministries/ government organizations and private companies. In Project Bank Directive issued by the government, common types of PPPs which have been practiced in Myanmar are  categorized as Build-Own-Operate (BOO), Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT), Build- Transfer-Lease (BTL), Build-Transfer-Operate (BTO), Operation and Management (O & M) and other forms of PPPs. 

  Legal framework governing Public Private Partnerships

           In Myanmar, Ministry of Planning and Finance, Myanmar Investment Commission and Directorate of Investment and Company Administration are government agencies that regulate PPPs projects. The laws governing Public Private Partnerships before and after the issuance of Project Bank Notification are mentioned as follows-

• Myanmar Companies Law (2017) 

• Myanmar Investment Law (2016) 

• Permanent Residence of a Foreigner Rules (2014)

• Myanmar Special Economic Zones Law (2014)

• Securities and Exchange Law (2013)

• Myanmar Citizens Investment Law (2013)

• Central Bank Law (2013)

• Foreign Investment Rules (2013)

• Foreign Investment Law (2012)

• Law Amending the Commercial Tax Law (2011)

• Private Industrial Enterprises Law (1990)

• Financial Institutions of Myanmar Law (1990)

• State-Owned Economic Enterprises Law (1989)

• Special Company Act (1950)

In Myanmar, apart from these laws, for the commonly used Build Operate Transfer project form, general tendering processes have been widely practiced under Directive No. 1/2017 (Tender Rules), which is widely used as PPP manual in Myanmar. In addition to that, State Administration Council issued the tender notifications (1/2022). In PPP, if the private party is involved in international connection, the project is liable to Myanmar Investment Law (2016) and some restricted business activities are outlined in the notification 15/2017 of the Myanmar Investment Commission.

Public-Private Partnerships in the form of Production Sharing Contract in Myanmar

          Production Sharing Contract is used in Myanmar’s Oil and Gas sector and it is a contract signed between a government entity and private companies. In Myanmar, under Production Sharing Contract, Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise acts a body for the state and invites oil companies as contractors to make financial and technical investment in the oil and gas extraction. According to MOGE data, over 150 oil companies were registered as local partners with MOGE. According to terms and conditions of model production sharing contract set up by MOGE, there are two periods listed as the exploration period (an initial term of up to three years) and development and production period (commenced on notice of commercial discovery and continues for at least twenty years from the date of completion of the development phase) in the oil and gas operation. 

State Administration Council highlighting the role of Public Private Partnership in Special Economic Zones 

Three currently established Special Economic Zones are Thilawa SEZ, Dawei SEZ and Kyauk Phyu SEZ, but this article wants to highlight on two of these. The incumbent government, State Administration Council is attempting to develop Kyauk Phyu Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in the form of PPPs for economic development. In Kyauk Phyu Special Economic Zone Project, the China International Trust and Investment Corporation Consortium contributes 70 % and Myanmar side contributes 30 % when implementing the Kyauk Phyu Deep Seaport project. It is a four-phase project building ten jetties where the ships can berth. After this project, the livelihood of people in Rakhine State particularly those in Kyauk Phyu district will become better and Myanmar can directly transport goods to countries in African, South Asian, and Europe. In responding media, Union Minister U Aung Naing Oo and Mr Liang Chuanxin told that “the deep-sea port is a four-phase project containing ten jetties and it can accommodate about seven million 20-foot containers per year once completed. The consortium of this project will be incorporated by both domestically owned private or public companies registered under the Myanmar Companies Law 2017.” What’s more beneficial about the project is that State Administration Council has already planned to prioritize the investment of ethnic businessmen in the consortium. 

Thilawa Special Economic Zone is another successful example of PPPs project in Myanmar which has been carrying out by Myanmar government and Japanese government. Myanmar Japan Thilawa Development Limited has acted as a developer. Myanmar Japan Thilawa Development Limited was formed in January 2014, as a joint venture between MMS Thilawa Development Company, Thilawa SEZ Management Committee, and Myanmar Thilawa SEZ Holdings Public Limited. In Thilawa SEZ, in Zone A, a Residential and Commercial Area was firstly established covering offices, residences, restaurants, hotels, international schools and hospitals and it has begun operation since September 2015 whereas in Zone B, 3 types of land are categorized as industrial land, logistical land, residential or commercial land. 

          To sum up, State Administration Council is currently putting an emphasis on Public –Private Partnership and Small and Medium Enterprises for boosting economy in the aftermath of the Covid-19 implications. The actions of State Administration Council such as developing Special Economic Zones, encouraging SMEs to produce value-added goods to penetrate into export market, providing tax exemptions and incentives in the existing tax laws prove that State Administration Council is making an earnest effort to keep the existing economic infrastructure and projects working. The implementation of Public Private Partnership can pave the way for infrastructure development in Myanmar and the opportunities can be seen under this initiative.                                                                            

References 

• Asian Development Bank’s PPP Handbook
• The establishment of PPP center
• Project Bank Notification 
• Myanmar Companies Law (2017)
• Myanmar Investment Law (2016)
• Ministry of Information’s press release
• Special Economic Zone Law (2014)

SMEs in Myanmar

1. In Myanmar, the role of Small and Medium Enterprises is crucial as SMEs comprise approximately 94 percent of all registered enterprises and 52-97% of labor forces. SMEs in Myanmar can be generally classified into five categories-

2. Import substitution in industrialization 

3. Export-oriented SMEs

4. Rural-located SMEs

5. Local and traditional SMEs

6. International subcontracting SMEs 

7. Myanmar is heavily dependent upon imported products even on daily necessities. This heavy dependence on imports can be fixed only with promoting import-substituting SME businesses. Some SMEs in Myanmar are engaged in export, but it is needed to promote more varieties of exported goods. Hence, it is essential to encourage SMEs that produce processed export products, using local raw resources. Some business sectors which have high propensity to export include agricultural processing, food processing, woodworking, metalworking, and the processing of marine products, among others. The registered number of SMEs in line with the list issued by SME development center in 2023 is approximately 46,014. SME registration rates are the highest in Yangon region and Shan State. 

SME Development Law and Policies in Myanmar 

3.       During the time when the State Law and Order Restoration Council was in power, the official law for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) was enacted in the year 1990. Then, the 2011 Private Industrial Law was enacted and gave definitions of SMEs based upon four criteria (i) horsepower used (ii) number of employees (iii) capital investment (iv) annual production. The most recent SME-related law is the SME Development Law (2015), which gives the definitions of SMEs based upon business sectors namely manufacturing, wholesale, retail, service and others. Then, SME development rules was enacted in 2017 and in 2018, the term Small and Medium Enterprises was renamed MSMEs which stands for Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises by the Central Committee for Development of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises. 

SMEs’ export 

4.       A great deal of previous literature provide factors enhancing SMEs’ export. Concerning factors enhancing export, there are two widely-used approach listed as resource-based approach and the contingency paradigm. The resource-based approach focuses on the firm’s internal variables whereas the second method focuses on the external aspects. Internal determinants include management qualities such as age, education, innovativeness, foreign exposure and export dedication as well as export marketing techniques such as product, pricing, promotion, distribution, service and networking tactics. The external factors are the characteristics of the foreign market such as legal, political, and economic system, cultural similarities, market dynamics, consumer and competitor behavior and the characteristics of the domestic government, which include government tax rates, government export support, government policies and the domestic business environment. 

5.       Compared to other ASEAN countries, SMEs in Myanmar are less likely to export, reporting that only 4.2 % of medium-sized firms and 0.8 % of small enterprises export directly or indirectly at least 1% of their sales (World Bank’s 
Enterprise Survey, 2014). Export destinations of Myanmar SMEs differ across firm size. Large firms have much more export propensity than SMEs and large firms have the capacity to export to high-income markets such as the EU and US. But, SMEs opt for regional markets such as China, Malaysia and Thailand whose target customers are less-demanding. According to World Bank Enterprise Survey, on the bright side, only 27% of medium-sized firms and 13% of small enterprises in Myanmar use material inputs of foreign origin. In Myanmar, SMEs from 4 states, 7 divisions and Union Territory, Nay Pyi Taw are engaged in export. ASEAN is an important market for Myanmar’ exports and Myanmar SMEs mainly export to China and Japan. Most of the exported products are agricultural products, marine products and wood and wood-related products. Agricultural products mainly include rice, different types of beans, white yam powder, coffee seed and coffee powder, Myanmar Tea, tamarind, jaguar, coconut, groundnut oil, sesame oil, ginger oil, oil palm, rubber, sugar, bees, lemon and honey. Marine products consist of fish, frozen fist stake, shrimps, soft shell crab, squid and lobster. Wood and wood-related products are wood, teak, value-added wood products, rattan products and bamboo place mate. 

Government Export Assistance Programs

6.       In accordance with notification (64/2023), which was issued by Ministry of Planning and Finance, the government provides exemption of commercial tax on 27 kinds of goods listed as different kinds of corn, fresh fish and shrimps, soil bean, milk and dairy products, yogurt, animals and animal products, fertilizer, various kinds of pesticide and weed killer that are used in agriculture, animal, fish and prawn medicines, veterinary preventative medicines, raw and finished materials for animal, fish and prawn feed (not included animal food that used for pets), pure seeds and seedlings of crops, raw materials for cotton, agricultural products, coconut oil, state flag, stationeries, X-ray, absorbent cotton wool, gauze, bandages, hospital sundries to take medicines, surgical mask (once used), cap, surgical glove, masks that used to prevent flu infection, household pharmaceutical and other medicines and traditional medicines, fire engine and hearse, raw materials used in making soap, battery electric vehicles and goods purchased by donated fund. The government offers tax incentives such as offering SMEs exemption from income tax for 3 consecutive years in accordance with Union Taxation Law. The government strives to adjust their tax rates with the enactment of Union Taxation Law each year as a way of rehabilitating economy when the economy slows down. Furthermore, SME loans are offered through different loan programmes. Now, it has been recently announced that Small and Medium businessmen can get loans from 15 private banks as well as state-owned Myanmar Economic Bank (MEB) and Myanmar Agricultural Development Bank (MADB). 

7.       In conclusion, the Central Committee for Development of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises has been planning MSMEs products’ exhibition to encourage SMEs. I happened to visit one of those exhibitions and witnessed a lot of local SMEs’ products, which are displayed well. I gladly realized most SMEs just made use of local raw material. Some SMEs’ products are not well-recognized in the local market, but these products are value for money. These potential SMEs need some assistance in making their quality products well-recognized in the market. Some SMEs do not have enough capital to make mass production and these quality products disappear in the market sadly. Some of these local products equal other imported products. I believe that if these local products are well-promoted with special support from all responsible government organizations, it would be a great thing.  If SMEs’ requirements and government’s export assistance programs coincide, these products can survive in the domestic market as well as foreign market. 

References

The Global New Light of Myanmar

Myanmar Micro, Small and Medium Enterprise Survey (2019)

Myanmar Business Insight Report (2020). Inya Economics.

Factors Affecting Propensity to Export: The Case of Indonesian SMEs. 

The integration of Artificial Intelligence (AI) into modern warfare has revolutionized military strategies, introducing unprecedented capabilities while presenting profound legal and ethical challenges. From autonomous drones to AI-driven cyber defense systems, these advancements have outpaced existing international legal frameworks, creating a pressing need to address gaps and ambiguities in laws governing AI in conflict. This article explores the use of AI in military operations, focusing on its application in the Middle East and Ukraine, and examines the challenges it presents under international law.

Evolving Legal Frameworks: Old Principles Meet New Technologies

The rules governing warfare, such as the Geneva Conventions and the Hague Conventions, are grounded in principles like proportionality, distinction, and necessity. However, these frameworks were crafted in an era when AI was not a consideration, leaving significant gaps in addressing its unique challenges.

The emergence of autonomous weapons systems (AWS) poses one of the most significant tests for international law. These systems operate with minimal human intervention, blurring lines of accountability and complicating enforcement of principles like distinction and proportionality. AI’s ability to independently analyze vast data sets and execute operations challenges the traditional understanding of state and individual accountability under international humanitarian law (IHL).

Innovations and Implications

AI's military applications are prominently displayed in the Middle East and Ukraine, regions marked by complex and dynamic conflicts.

In the Middle East, autonomous drones and AI-powered targeting systems are central to military operations. For instance, Israel employs cutting-edge AI programs such as "Daddy’s Home," "Gospel," and "Lavender." These systems integrate machine learning to enhance target identification, surveillance, and missile defense, with "Lavender" playing a crucial role in the Iron Dome’s precision defense capabilities. 

"Daddy’s Home"

"Daddy’s Home" is a high-precision targeting system that utilizes advanced machine learning algorithms to assist in identifying and prioritizing military targets. By analyzing vast datasets from multiple intelligence sources, including satellite imagery, drone feeds, and human intelligence, "Daddy’s Home" offers real-time insights to decision-makers. It is designed to minimize civilian casualties and ensure compliance with international humanitarian law (IHL). The system is particularly effective in urban warfare settings, where distinguishing between combatants and civilians is critical. However, critics have raised concerns about the system's reliance on data accuracy, as errors in input data could lead to unintended consequences.

"Gospel"

The "Gospel" program focuses on real-time surveillance and intelligence gathering. Using sophisticated AI algorithms, it processes video and sensor data from drones, satellites, and ground-based sensors. "Gospel" excels in pattern recognition, enabling it to detect unusual movements, potential threats, or hidden combatants that may escape human observation. This capability allows military commanders to act on intelligence with speed and precision. However, the autonomy of such systems raises ethical and legal questions, particularly regarding their use in environments where accurate differentiation between civilian and military targets is essential.

"Lavender"

The "Lavender" project integrates AI with Israel's renowned Iron Dome missile defense system, adding an extra layer of predictive analytics to existing capabilities. "Lavender" enhances the system’s ability to evaluate threats by considering multiple factors such as the trajectory, size, and payload of incoming projectiles. This rapid analysis enables the Iron Dome to prioritize which missiles to intercept, ensuring optimal resource use. In addition to missile defense, "Lavender" is applied in offensive operations, leveraging AI to determine the most effective strike points. The speed and accuracy of this system are unparalleled, but it also faces scrutiny for the potential lack of human oversight in critical decisions.

These programs showcase Israel's commitment to leveraging AI for military advantage while adhering to the principles of precision and proportionality as mandated by international law. Nevertheless, they raise broader concerns about transparency, accountability, and the ethical implications of AI-driven warfare.

While these technologies aim to minimize civilian casualties, their autonomous nature raises questions about compliance with IHL principles, especially in distinguishing between combatants and civilians.

Similarly, in Ukraine, AI systems are employed to counter cyber threats, improve surveillance, and enhance missile defense capabilities. Ukraine's innovative use of AI to predict and respond to Russian military strategies showcases its potential for real-time decision-making. However, such systems, if not properly regulated, risk violating IHL’s prohibition of indiscriminate force, particularly when algorithms lack contextual judgment.

Who is Liable?

Determining responsibility for AI-driven military actions is a critical legal and ethical challenge. Under current IHL, states are accountable for their armed forces' conduct. However, when lethal decision-making is delegated to machines, it becomes difficult to attribute blame for unlawful acts, such as targeting errors or civilian casualties.

 The lack of clear accountability mechanisms undermines the very foundation of IHL, necessitating urgent legal reforms. Proposals such as the concept of "meaningful human control" over AWS emphasize the need for human oversight in all AI-driven military actions to ensure ethical and legal compliance.

Bridging the Gap: Proposals for Regulation

To address the challenges posed by AI in warfare, international law must evolve to balance technological innovation with ethical accountability. Possible approaches include:

• Updating Existing Treaties: Expanding the scope of treaties like the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW) to include specific provisions on AI technologies.

• New Legal Instruments: Crafting treaties that regulate autonomous decision-making, mandate human oversight, and limit the deployment of AWS in sensitive conflict zones.

• Regulation of Private Sector Involvement: Establishing guidelines for private companies developing military AI technologies to ensure compliance with IHL principles.

Efforts by organizations like the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross to address these issues demonstrate global recognition of the urgency of regulating AI in warfare.

A Call for Action

AI’s integration into military operations offers both unparalleled advantages and complex challenges. While its potential to enhance precision and reduce human casualties is undeniable, its autonomous nature raises ethical and legal concerns that current frameworks are ill-equipped to address.

For AI to be used responsibly in warfare, the international community must urgently establish comprehensive legal standards that uphold the principles of accountability, proportionality, and distinction. Only through proactive regulation can the global community ensure that AI serves as a tool for enhancing security rather than exacerbating the horrors of war.

References

1. United Nations. (2018). International Law and the Use of Force. Retrieved from https://www.un.org

2. Schmitt, M. N. (2013). The Regulation of Autonomous Weapons in Armed Conflict. International Law Studies, 89(1), 87-108.

3. Sharkey, N. (2018). The Ethics of Autonomous Weapons Systems. International Review of the Red Cross, 100(909), 387-406. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1816383119000325

4. Scharre, P. (2018). Army of None: Autonomous Weapons and the Future of War. W.W. Norton & Company.

5. Cummings, M. L. (2017). Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Warfare. Chatham House Report. Retrieved from https://www.chathamhouse.org

6. International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). (2019). Autonomous Weapon Systems and International Humanitarian Law: A View from the ICRC. Retrieved from https://www.icrc.org

7. Binns, L. (2019). AI in Warfare: The Global Arms Race and Ethical Dilemmas. Journal of Strategic Studies, 42(5), 640-658.

8. Elbit Systems. (2022). Iron Dome and AI-Powered Targeting Systems. Retrieved from https://www.elbitsystems.com

9. Israel Defense Forces (IDF). (2022). Use of AI in Israel's Military Operations. Retrieved from https://www.idf.il

10. United States Department of Defense. (2020). Artificial Intelligence Strategy. Retrieved from https://www.defense.gov

Beneath the velvet canopy of the night sky, our eyes have long wandered toward the moon—a beacon of mystery, wonder, and eternal longing. Once the muse of poets, dreamers, and lovers, the moon now finds itself at the crossroads of ambition and law. The question looms larger than ever before: who owns this celestial body? Who owns the Moon?

When Neil Armstrong famously declared his “small step” for mankind in 1969, the legal ownership of the lunar surface was likely the last thing on his mind. In an era where the infinite expanses of space beckon us beyond the boundaries of Earth, humankind must grapple not only with the technical feats of space exploration but with the complexities of law and ownership—concepts far more terrestrial in origin. As humanity extends its reach toward the stars, the age-old ideals of sovereignty, power, and property are thrust into the void, demanding that we ask: to whom does the moon truly belong?

The Outer Space Treaty: A Framework for Space Exploration

In the 1960s, during the space race, global leaders came together to create a treaty aimed at regulating the use of space. The result was the Outer Space Treaty of 1967, which has since become a fundamental part of international space law. The treaty’s primary goal is to ensure that space remains a peaceful domain for exploration, free from territorial claims by any nation.

The treaty is a significant shift from past practices, as it explicitly prohibits any state from claiming sovereignty over celestial bodies such as the moon. According to Article II, no country may assert territorial control over the moon or other outer space objects. While this provision prevents territorial ownership, it does not address issues related to the extraction and ownership of resources found on the moon or other celestial bodies. This gap in the treaty has become more relevant as interest in space mining grows.

The Potential for Space Mining

The moon is believed to contain valuable resources, including Helium-3, a potential fuel for nuclear fusion, and water ice, which could support long-term space missions. As these resources become more valuable, space mining is gaining attention. The legal question arises: does extracting resources from the moon grant ownership, or does it violate the principle of non-appropriation set forth in the Outer Space Treaty?

In 2015, the U.S. Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act allowed private companies to claim ownership of resources they extract from celestial bodies. Luxembourg followed with similar legislation to encourage space mining. However, these national laws conflict with the Outer Space Treaty’s prohibition on claiming ownership over celestial bodies, raising legal concerns about their compatibility.

Some view space mining as similar to harvesting resources from international waters, where no one owns the sea but everyone can benefit. Others see it as the beginning of corporate dominance over space, challenging the principle of space as a common resource for all. Legal scholars have not reached a consensus, but the question of who controls lunar resources remains unresolved.

The Moon Agreement: An Attempt at Regulation

In response to the gaps in the Outer Space Treaty, the Moon Agreement was adopted in 1979. This treaty sought to establish that the moon and its resources are the "common heritage of mankind" and called for an international system to regulate the exploitation of these resources. Despite its intentions, the agreement has not gained significant support, with only 18 countries ratifying it and none of the major spacefaring nations participating. As a result, the Moon Agreement has had little impact on shaping space law.

Without a binding international framework, questions remain about who will benefit from the resources of the moon. The silence surrounding the Moon Agreement highlights the need for updated legal frameworks to address the evolving dynamics of space exploration and resource extraction.

Private Industry and Lunar Settlements

As private companies like SpaceX and Blue Origin plan lunar missions, the role of the private sector in space exploration becomes more significant. The possibility of establishing lunar colonies raises new legal challenges. Under the Outer Space Treaty, private enterprises face unclear regulations regarding land ownership and governance on the moon.

If a private company establishes a base on the moon, questions arise about whether it can claim ownership of the land and what laws would apply to the colony. As the private sector increasingly participates in space exploration, the need for clear legal guidelines becomes more urgent to avoid conflicts over jurisdiction and property rights in space.

The Need for Updated Legal Frameworks

As humanity moves further into space, it is evident that existing legal structures need to be updated. The Outer Space Treaty and the Moon Agreement, created in the 20th century, are insufficient to address the realities of space exploration today. New international agreements are necessary to regulate the extraction of resources, the governance of lunar settlements, and the overall use of space.

The future of space law will require a balance between the interests of nations, private companies, and the global community. A comprehensive legal framework is needed to ensure that space exploration benefits all of humanity and that space remains a shared domain.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the legal status of the Moon remains one of the most pressing and complex challenges of space law today. While the Outer Space Treaty has laid a foundational framework by preventing territorial claims and emphasizing the peaceful use of space, the evolving ambitions of private enterprises and the growing interest in lunar resource extraction highlight gaps in the current legal structure. The Moon Agreement, though an attempt to address these issues, has failed to gain widespread international support, leaving the future of lunar governance uncertain. As space exploration continues to advance, the need for a comprehensive and universally accepted legal framework becomes more urgent. How humanity chooses to manage and regulate the Moon’s resources will shape the trajectory of space exploration for generations to come, determining whether the Moon remains a shared resource for all or becomes a contested prize for a few. The question of ownership, exploitation, and governance of celestial bodies is no longer theoretical—it is a matter of immediate concern that will require global cooperation, innovation in law, and ethical considerations to ensure that space remains a common frontier for all.

References

1. Treaties and International Agreements

• United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA). Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, Including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies (Outer Space Treaty, 1967). Available at UNOOSA website.
• United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA). Agreement Governing the Activities of States on the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies (Moon Agreement, 1979). Available at UNOOSA website.

2. Books

• von der Dunk, Frans G., and Fabio Tronchetti (Eds.). Handbook of Space Law. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2015.
• Jakhu, Ram S., and Paul Stephen Dempsey. The Global Space Governance: An International Study. Springer, 2017.
• Freeland, Steven. Outer Space Law: Legal Policy and Practice. Ashgate, 2010.

3. Journal Articles

• Tronchetti, Fabio. “The Space Resource Exploration and Utilization Act: A Move Forward or a Step Back?” Space Policy, vol. 34, no. 2, 2015, pp. 6–10. DOI:10.1016/j.spacepol.2015.08.004.
• Lyall, Francis, and Paul B. Larsen. “Who Owns the Moon? Legal Issues Surrounding Space Resources.” International Law Review, vol. 47, no. 1, 2020, pp. 87–96.
• Markoff, Matthew. “Legality of Space Resource Mining: The Impact of International Law on Commercial Space Ventures.” Journal of Air Law and Commerce, vol. 80, 2015, pp. 139–173.

4. Reports

• National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA). NASA’s Artemis Program Overview. NASA, 2020. Available at NASA Artemis Program.
• European Space Policy Institute (ESPI). Space Resources Utilization: A Legal Perspective. ESPI Report 62, 2017.

5. News Articles and Analysis

• Grush, Loren. “What Laws Currently Exist for Space Mining?” The Verge, April 7, 2020. Available at The Verge.
• Reuters. “Luxembourg Takes the Lead in Space Mining Legislation.” Reuters, 2017. Available at Reuters.

6. Web Resources

• Space Foundation. Space Law Resource Guide. Available at Space Foundation.
• International Institute of Space Law (IISL). Position Paper on the Legal Aspects of Space Resource Utilization. Available at IISL website.

The future will be the child of the past and the present. (George Crumb)

Everyone may have a dream for a better future for himself, for own family, for country and beyond it- for the whole world. However, the future inherits all good and bad legacies from the past and the present. There is no other way but to execute good things right now if we would like to have a better future as we possess only the very present moment.

However, it is so crucial to have sufficient knowledge and intelligence to differentiate between the good and the bad (plus the ugly may be) things. It will depend upon the viewer’s position and lineage. The birds tend to see the world from atop while a worm from the ground. Likewise, in this world of unequal distributions of wealth and power, there exist different perceptions and views on how to build better future of the world. 

I have also my own perspective and opinions on this important issue. The following paragraphs are extracted from my speech to be delivered at the 2nd Minsk International Eurasian Security Conference in Minsk, Belarus from 31 October to 1 November 2024 with kind support of respective officials from MOFA and some parts of the speech are inspired from the idea of my colleague U Khin Maung Zaw from MISIS, Yangon.

“In recent discussions during the Seventy-ninth Session of the UN General Assembly, many leaders of the developing countries around the world elaborated their grave concerns on such a depressing thing as deterioration of global security, unjust and imbalanced world order, diminishing capacity of international institutions including the UN, unruly situations in global trade and finance transactions, sufferings of developing nations and etc.

What they have expressed are not incorrect nor nonsense. “The world is facing multiplying regional conflicts, an accelerating arms race, nuclear proliferation and an ebbing of collective security”, one leader said. It is the UN, the unique world body founded since nearly eighty decades ago, assigned to solve these problems. However, the organization was not observed impressively in the discussions. Another leader alleged that the UN has failed to fulfil its founding mission and has become “a dysfunctional structure”. Not a few leaders lamented that more than 80 percent of Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) are off track. Regarding poverty reduction, one third of the world’s poorest 75 countries are worse off today than they were five years ago, while the top 1 percent of people on the planet own 43 percent of all global financial assets.

The principal challenge today is that the powerful group of global elite, on the pretext of amicable rhetoric such as freedom, democracy, human rights, equality and humanitarian assistance, applies its prowess of wealth, political influence, military might, diplomatic dominance, media influences and economic apparatuses as the instruments of hegemony. They have every appliance to do so. They have the UN Security Council’s majority veto power. They have military alliances like NATO, AUKUS and SQUAD. They have Bretton Woods System controlling the whole international monetary and financial system through IMF and World Bank. They have the US Dollar serving as the principal de facto international currency. They have SWIFT mechanism to dictate every bank transaction across the world.

By using these appliances the Global North can maximize their interests while marginalizing the other part of humanity. It is not so strange that while the military, industrial and political complex of the West is quite pleased with global defence expenditure of 2.4 trillion dollars, the richest countries’ Official Development Assistance funding never exceeds one tenth of that amount for 733 million people in extreme poverty.

However, the order is profoundly changing nowadays. Emerging powers are entering the international political stage as new actors in collaboration with Global South countries to counterweight the balance of power against the incumbent supreme powers in geopolitical and geo-economic architectures. For example- the BRICS group, founded by five emerging economies in 2009, has surpassed the G7 in total GDP in term of PPP since 2018 and by 2024, the difference had increased even further, the BRICS now holding a total 35 percent of the world's GDP compared to 30 percent held by the G7 countries. Many countries across the planet are in ardent enthusiasm to join the bloc as a beacon of hope. It seems quite apparent that imminent power rivalry between the group of old power and the new ones leading into the probable scenario of Thucydides Trap in a collective way. We could dub it a confrontation between the Global South Vs. the Global North as traditional notion of the “Us Vs. Them” mentality always mentions.

Again, the other interesting phenomenon is that while the Global North as an organized group possesses some significant common features, unified institutions and common interests, the other side still has diverse grounds of history, cultures, geopolitical positions, political systems, socio-economic situations and security interests. In the light of this, it is inevitable that the Global South themselves must explore the correct and effective way to establish unity in diversity among them. What-so-ever we have had diverse factors, the common interest and unified goal of us are clear that we the Global South must prevail in developing our countries and keeping our people safe in our own ways in accordance with our own policies and determination. 

Nevertheless, the paradigm shift and transition to a new global order would not be smooth and easy as the old powers certainly will be striving utmost to maintain their dominance of the whole international community. According to Alexander Dugin, the author of the Fourth Political Theory, there are three different ways of the incumbent superpower to sustain its global influence: Creation of an American Empire with developed in the core area and fragmented periphery in chaos (the neoconservative idea of Republicans), Creation of a multilateral unipolarity where the USA would cooperate with other friendly powers and putting pressure on ‘rogue states’, or preventing other powers from achieving regional independence and hegemony (liberal idea of Democrats), and Promotion of accelerated globalisation with the creation of a world government and swift de-sovereignisation of nation-states in favour of the creation of a ‘United States’ of the world ruled by the global elite on legal terms (progressive liberal idea of George Soros) . All these three ideas seem to be rooted in the strong conviction of Pax Americana centralism and Us Vs. Them mentality.

Literally and categorically, the whole world has been still in the hand of the global power elite whether we like it or not. In order to deter and overcome this colossal menace, the Global South must have an overwhelming power in all sectors of international arena. It is obvious that we need more comprehensive and efficient efforts to achieve our goal. Yes, we do have BRICS. We also have regional organizations like CIS, CSTO, SCO, ASEAN, SAARC, BIMSTEC, AU, etc. Regarding economic development and financial institutions, we have EAEU, BRI, AIIB for BRI, NDB For BRICS and so on. Certainly, the primary goal of these organizations is to foster unity of mankind and pursue equality, prosperity, positive peace and harmony through the development of various initiatives within the realms of political stability, security, socio-economic development and livelihood of peoples. Yet, we have to admit that we need further more endevours for synchronization and consolidation of our efforts to acquire sufficient synergy the paradigm shift we have desired. 

To achieve this goal, we need to discuss to establish appropriate principles and comprehensive guidelines for further deepening of mutual understanding and cooperation among the Global South nations.  Even though some cry aloud about the inevitable potential of decoupling of the world, I do not think it is the real solution of mounting problems of the world.

It may be the best way to modify the existing international institutions into a more suitable for developing nations as much as we can, while creating new ones for the betterment of the whole mankind. 

Core values and aspirations of the United Nations Charter regarding peace and security must be preserved to prevent conflicts around the world while unacceptable behaviors of powerful nations such as- abuse of power, selfishness, hegemonic tendency, discrimination, unwillingness for cooperation- must be rejected and contained in the international systems. 

With regard to the world peace and security, nations of the South should pursue the soft-power of positive peace including dialogues and peaceful settlement of disputes noticing negative security measures of intervention and deterrence policies usually applied by big powers only create insecurity and instability, instead of peace and security. Regional military alliances or security organizations of certain blocs usually create power rivalry, mutual mistrust, various forms of arms races and they would not reduce security risks rather enhance as we have had many bitter lessons learnt during the Cold War.

Hence, effective conduct of diplomacy in bilateral, regional and international contexts, sincere cooperation among nations for common interests, and renunciation of interventionist and deterrence policies and practices are the most appropriate measures to prevent war and conflict and achieve peace and security. 

In this regard, I am very much delighted to point out that Five Principles of Peaceful Co-Existence which were jointly initiated by China, India and Myanmar and adopted by developing countries 70 years ago have been instrumental in supporting the efforts of developing countries, including Myanmar, for maintaining international peace and security. These time-tested principles encompass respecting one another’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, refraining from aggression, mutual non-interference in internal affairs, promoting equality and mutual benefit, and fostering peaceful coexistence. Myanmar has been upholding these five principles as integral part of our foreign policy. I would like to propose that these principles of peaceful coexistence should be the core norms and values of international relations of all developing countries to reinvigorate diplomacy of peace rather than military deterrence.

And as the representative of Myanmar, a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement which had been much influential in the early Cold War era, I would like to suggest that the Group of 77 comprising 134 developing countries should be further strengthen and closely collaborated with BRICS’ activities in South-South cooperation to check the challenges of global power transition. I am sincerely convinced that with the leadership of the BRICS combined with the collective power of the coalition of developing countries, it would create an existential power to make the paradigm shift.

Regarding global polarity of the future, my opinion is that there may be two separate parts due to the directions of relations. To face the challenges from existing dominant power of the Global North, a unified stance of all Global South nations would be essential to some extent a bi-polarity between competing powers. For the realistic existence in the whole international community, multi-polarity would be the most suitable model for both emerging powers and developing countries as they need peaceful co-existence, pursuance of self-determination and right to choose their own ways of national developments.

In the light of these circumstances, adopting the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence as the core principles, I would like to recommend some common and collective stances to be taken by the Global South nations for the betterment of our shared destiny;

1.       To safeguard Sovereignty, Self-determination and Freedom of choice on own path of national policy and development,

2.       To resist any forms of interventions, coercion and illegal influence of out powers and preserve the status of equality among nations large or small,

3.       To resist collectively any form of security threats and military interventions with inappropriate intentions by powerful nations individually or grouping as the blocs against the weaker states and to support the targeted countries,

4.       To organize unified diplomatic efforts in protecting the common interests of developing countries in the international arena,

5.       To reject any means of economic, monetary and financial activities applying as the instruments of foreign policy to insert pressures on the targeted nations and to establish collective systems, mechanisms and institutions to protect against them and to maintain economic independence and free trade,

6.       To promote social connectivity such as public diplomacy, trade, business and commercial relations, academic and cultural exchanges, and media interactions among developing countries,

7.       To enhance the unity and fraternity among developing countries and to be vigilant against wedging tactics of “Divide and Conquer”,

8.        To develop capacity of human resource in developing countries in order to keep abreast of modern technologies.

As for Myanmar, we are steadfast in abiding by the principles of the United Nations Charter, which aims to maintain international peace and security and cultivate respectful relations between nations. 

Regarding regional and multilateral cooperation, it is a matter of profound satisfaction that Myanmar and Belarus enjoy close cooperation in regional and international frameworks.

Myanmar has received the Dialogue Partner Status in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) with the support of the friendly countries in May 2023. I would like to this opportunity to reiterate Myanmar’s strong commitment to actively participate in SCO activities to achieve greater progress in SCO development.

Myanmar is also eager to pursue a free trade zone agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Myanmar highly values the principled position and consistent support of Belarus and other friendly states in the region and look forward to continuing our cooperation in the regional and multilateral arena.

When it comes to ASEAN, we have been closely in cooperation with ASEAN to implement ASEAN\s Five-Point consensus in line with our Five-Point Roadmap. For us, we are determined to promulgate the provisions and fundamental principles of the ASEAN Charter, especially non-interference in the internal affairs of the member states. 

Myanmar underscores the significance of resolving armed conflicts through preventive measures, protection, dialogue, and collaboration between states. We emphasize the need for a global security framework anchored in multilateralism and our unwavering commitment to peace, security, and stability in the region and on the international stage.

I firmly believe that through our collective efforts, we will make meaningful contribution to regional peace, security, and prosperity, while encouraging the diverse Eurasian community to unite for a future characterized by tranquility and economic well-being.”

I sincerely hope that my ideas will contribute for those who are interested in this issue as a food for thought.